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Committee of Public Safety
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For other uses, see Committee of Public Safety (disambiguation).
The Committee of Public Safety (French: Comité de salut public)—created in April 1793 by the National Convention and then restructured in July 1793—formed the de facto executive government in France during the Reign of Terror (1793–94), a stage of the French Revolution. The Committee of Public Safety succeeded the previous Committee of General Defence (established in January 1793) and assumed its role of protecting the newly established republic against foreign attacks and internal rebellion. As a wartime measure, the Committee—composed at first of nine, and later of twelve, members—was given broad supervisory powers over military, judicial, and legislative efforts. It was formed as an administrative body to supervise and expedite the work of the executive bodies of the Convention and of the government ministers appointed by the Convention. As the Committee tried to meet the dangers of a coalition of European nations and counter-revolutionary forces within the country, it became more and more powerful.
In July 1793, following the defeat at the Convention of the Girondins, the prominent leader of the radical Jacobin, Maximilien Robespierre, was added to the Committee. The power of the Committee peaked between August 1793 and July 1794. In December 1793, the Convention formally conferred executive power upon the Committee.
The execution of Robespierre in July 1794 represented a reactionary period against the Committee of Public Safety. This is known as the Thermidorian Reaction, as Robespierre's fall from power occurred during the Revolutionary month of Thermidor. The Committee's influence diminished,[1] and it was disestablished in 1795.
Contents
[hide]
1 Origins and evolution
1.1 Committee of discussion
1.1.1 Execution of the Hébertists and Dantonists
1.2 Committee of rule
1.3 Fall of the Committee, and aftermath
2 Composition
3 See also
4 Notes
5 References
Origins and evolution[edit]
Committee of discussion[edit]
Lettre anglaise (English Letter) dated 29 June 1793 as published by the French National convention during the Revolution (1793). This document was used to prove English spying and conspiracy.
On 5 April 1793, the French military commander and former minister of war General Charles François Dumouriez defected to Austria, following the publication of an incendiary letter in which he threatened to march his army on the city of Paris if the National Convention did not accede to his leadership. News of his defection caused alarm in Paris, where imminent defeat by the Austrians and their allies was feared. A widespread belief held that revolutionary France was in immediate peril, threatened not only by foreign armies and by recent anti-revolutionary revolts in the Vendée, but also by foreign agents who plotted the destruction of the nation from within.[2]
The betrayal of the revolutionary government by Dumouriez lent greater credence to this belief. In light of this threat, the Girondin leader Maximin Isnard proposed the creation of a nine-member Committee of Public Safety. Isnard was supported in this effort by Georges Danton, who declared, "This Committee is precisely what we want, a hand to grasp the weapon of the Revolutionary Tribunal."[2]
The Committee was formally created on 6 April 1793. Closely associated with the leadership of Danton, it was initially known as "the Danton Committee".[3] Danton steered the Committee through the 31 May and 2 June 1793 journées that resulted in the fall of the Girondins, and through the intensifying war in the Vendée. However, when the Committee was recomposed on 10 July, Danton was not included. Nevertheless, he continued to support the centralization of power by the Committee.[4]
On 27 July 1793, Maximilien Robespierre was elected to the Committee. At this time, the Committee was entering a more powerful and active phase, which would see it become a de facto dictatorship alongside its powerful partner, the Committee of General Security. The role of the Committee of Public Safety included the governance of the war (including the appointment of generals), the appointing of judges and juries for the Revolutionary Tribunal,[5] the provisioning of the armies and the public, the maintenance of public order, and oversight of the state bureaucracy.[6]
The Committee was also responsible for interpreting and applying the decrees of the National Convention, and thus for implementing some of the most stringent policies of the Terror—for instance, the levée en masse, passed on 23 August 1793, the Law of Suspects, passed on 17 September 1793, and the Law of the Maximum, passed on 29 September 1793. The broad and centralized powers of the Committee were codified by the Law of 14 Frimaire (also known as the Law of Revolutionary Government) on 4 December 1793.[citation needed]
Execution of the Hébertists and Dantonists[edit]
On 5 December 1793, journalist Camille Desmoulins began publishing Le Vieux Cordelier, a newspaper initially aimed—with the approval of Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety[7]—at the ultra-revolutionary Hébertist faction, whose extremist demands, anti-religious fervor, and propensity for sudden insurrections were problematic for the Committee. However, Desmoulins quickly turned his pen against the Committee of Public Safety and the Committee of General Security, comparing their reign to that of the Roman tyrants chronicled by Tacitus, and expounding the "indulgent" views of the Dantonist faction.[citation needed]
Consequently, though the Hébertists were arrested and executed in March 1794, the Committee of Public Safety and the Committee of General Security ensured that Desmoulins and Danton were also arrested. Hérault de Séchelles—a friend and ally of Danton—was expelled from the Committee of Public Safety, arrested, and tried alongside them. On 5 April 1794, the Dantonists went to the guillotine.[8]
Committee of rule[edit]
Maximilien Robespierre, member of the Committee of Public Safety
The elimination of the Hébertists and the Dantonists made evident the strength of the committees, as had their ability to control and silence opposition. The creation, in March 1794, of a "General Police Bureau"—reporting nominally to the Committee of Public Safety, but more often directly to Robespierre and his closest ally, Louis Antoine de Saint-Just—served to increase the power of the Committee of Public Safety, and of Robespierre himself.
The Law of 22 Prairial, proposed by the Committee of Public Safety and enacted on 10 June 1794, went further in establishing the iron control of the Revolutionary Tribunal and, above it, the Committees of Public Safety and General Security. The law enumerated various forms of public enemies, made mandatory their denunciation, and severely limited the legal recourse available to those accused. The punishment for all crimes under the Law of 22 Prairal was death. From the initiation of this law to the fall of Robespierre on 27 July, more people were condemned to death than in the entire previous history of the Revolutionary Tribunal.[9]
However, even as the Terror reached its height, and with it the Committee's political power, discord was growing within the revolutionary government. Members of the Committee of General Security resented the autocratic behavior of the Committee of Public Safety, and particularly the encroachment of the General Police Bureau upon their own brief.[10] Arguments within the Committee of Public Safety itself had grown so violent that it relocated its meetings to a more private room to preserve the illusion of agreement.[11] Robespierre, a fervent supporter of the theistic Cult of the Supreme Being, found himself frequently in conflict with anti-religious Committee members Collot d'Herbois and Billaud-Varenne. Moreover, Robespierre's increasingly extensive absences from the Committee due to illness (he all but ceased to attend meetings in June 1794) created the impression that he was isolated and out of touch.
Fall of the Committee, and aftermath[edit]
When it became evident, in mid-July 1794, that Robespierre and Saint-Just were planning to strike against their political opponents Joseph Fouché, Jean-Lambert Tallien, and Marc-Guillaume Alexis Vadier (the latter two of whom were members of the Committee of General Security), the fragile truce within the government was dissolved. Saint-Just and his fellow Committee of Public Safety member Barère attempted to keep the peace between the Committees of Public Safety and General Security; however, on 26 July, Robespierre delivered a speech to the National Convention in which he emphasized the need to "purify" the Committees and "crush all factions."[12] In a speech to the Jacobin Club that night, he attacked Collot d'Herbois and Billaud-Varenne, who had refused to allow the printing and distribution of his speech to the Convention.
On the following day, 27 July 1794 (or 9 Thermidor according to the Revolutionary calendar), Saint-Just began to deliver a speech to the Convention in which he had planned to denounce Collot d'Herbois, Billaud-Varenne, and other members of the Committee of Public Safety. However, he was almost immediately interrupted by Tallien and by Billaud-Varenne, who accused Saint-Just of intending to "murder the Convention."[13] Barère, Vadier, and Stanislas Fréron joined the accusations against Saint-Just and Robespierre. The arrest of Robespierre, his brother Augustin, and Saint-Just was ordered, along with that of their supporters, Philippe Le Bas and Georges Couthon.
A period of intense civil unrest ensued, during which the members of the Committees of Public Safety and General Security were forced to seek refuge in the Convention. The Robespierre brothers, Saint-Just, Le Bas, and Couthon ensconced themselves in the Hôtel de Ville, attempting to incite an insurrection. Ultimately, faced with defeat and arrest, Le Bas committed suicide. Saint-Just, Couthon, and Maximilien and Augustin Robespierre were arrested and guillotined on 28 July.[14]
The ensuing period of upheaval, dubbed the Thermidorian Reaction, saw the repeal of many of the Terror's most unpopular laws and the reduction in power of the Committees of General Security and Public Safety. The Committees ceased to exist under the Constitution of the Year III (1795), which marked the beginning of the Directory.[citation needed]
Composition[edit]
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The Committee was initially composed of nine members, all selected by the National Convention for one month at a time, without term limits. Its first members, instated on 6 April 1793, were as follows, in order of election.
After Robespierre's election to the Committee on 27 July 1793, the Committee increased its membership to twelve. The list below represents the Committee's membership.
April 1793 – July 1793:
Name (Birth-Death)
Department
Party
Bertrand Barère (1755–1841) Hautes-Pyrénées Maraisard
Jean-François Delmas (1751–1798) Haute-Garonne Montagnard
Jean-Jacques Bréard (1751–1840) Charente-Inférieure Montagnard
Pierre-Joseph Cambon (1756–1820) Hérault Montagnard
Georges Danton (1759–1794) Seine Montagnard
Jean Debry (1760–1834) Aisne Montagnard
Jean-François Delacroix (1753–1794) Eure-et-Loir Maraisard
Louis-Bernard Guyton-Morveau (1737–1816) Côte-d'Or Girondin
Jean Baptiste Treilhard (1742–1810) Seine-et-Oise Girondin
July 1793 – July 1794:
Name (Birth-Death)
Department
Party
Bertrand Barère (1755–1841) Hautes-Pyrénées Maraisard
Jacques Nicolas Billaud-Varenne (1756–1819) Seine Montagnard
Lazare Carnot (1753–1823) Pas-de-Calais Maraisard
Georges Couthon (1755–1794) Puy-de-Dôme Montagnard
Claude-Antoine Prieur-Duvernois (1763–1832) Côte-d'Or Montagnard
Jean-Marie Collot d'Herbois (1749–1796) Seine Montagnard
Robert Lindet (1746–1825) Eure Montagnard
Pierre Louis Prieur (1756–1827) Marne Montagnard
Maximilien Robespierre (1758–1794) Seine Montagnard
Jeanbon Saint-André (1749–1813) Lot Montagnard
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just (1767–1794) Aisne Montagnard
Marie-Jean Hérault de Séchelles (1759–1794) Seine-et-Oise Montagnard
See also[edit]
Commissioners of the Committee of Public Safety
Committee of General Security
National Convention
Historiography of the French Revolution
Revolutionary Tribunal
Reflections on the Revolution in France
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ "Committee of Public Safety". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2017-09-20.
^ Jump up to: a b Belloc (1899), p. 210.
Jump up ^ Mantel (2009).
Jump up ^ Belloc (1899), p. 235.
Jump up ^ Scurr (2006), p. 284.
Jump up ^ Furet (1992), p. 134.
Jump up ^ Furet (1992), p. 141.
Jump up ^ "Danton Versus Robespierre: The Quest for Revolutionary Power". www.ucumberlands.edu. Retrieved 2017-09-20.
Jump up ^ Scurr (2006), p. 328.
Jump up ^ Scurr (2006), p. 331.
Jump up ^ Scurr (2006), p. 340.
Jump up ^ Madelin (1916), p. 418.
Jump up ^ Madelin (1916), p. 422.
Jump up ^ "Maximilien Robespierre, Master of the Terror". www.loyno.edu. Retrieved 2017-09-20.
References[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Committee of Public Safety.
Belloc, Hillaire (1899). Danton: A Study. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
Furet, François (1992). Revolutionary France, 1770–1880. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
Linton, Marisa, Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship and Authenticity in the French Revolution (Oxford University Press, 2013).
Madelin, Louis (1916). The French Revolution. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons.
Mantel, Hilary (6 August 2009). "He Roared". London Review of Books. 3 (15): 3–6. Retrieved 16 January 2010.
Palmer, R.R. (September 1941). "Fifty Years of the Committee of Public Safety". Journal of Modern History. 13 (3): 375–397. JSTOR 1871581.
——— (1970). Twelve Who Ruled: The Year of the Terror in the French Revolution. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-05119-4.
Schama, Simon (1989). Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Scurr, Ruth (2006). Fatal Purity: Robespierre and the French Revolution. New York: Owl Books.
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Peloponnesian War
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"Athenian War" redirects here. For the earlier war beginning in 460 BC, see First Peloponnesian War.
For the book by the Greek historian Thucydides, see History of the Peloponnesian War.
This article includes a list of references, but its sources remain unclear because it has insufficient inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (April 2011) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Peloponnesian War
The Peloponnesian war alliances at 431 BC. Orange: Athenian Empire and Allies; Green: Spartan Confederacy
Date
431 – April 25, 404 BC
Location
Mainland Greece, Asia Minor, Sicily
Result
Peloponnesian League victory
Territorial
changes
Dissolution of the Delian League,
Spartan hegemony over Athens and its allies
Belligerents
Delian League (led by Athens) Peloponnesian League (led by Sparta)
Supported by:
Achaemenid Empire
Commanders and leaders
Pericles
Cleon †
Nicias
Alcibiades
Demosthenes Archidamus II
Brasidas †
Lysander
Alcibiades
[show]
v
t
e
Peloponnesian War
Sybota
Potidaea
Spartolos
Rhium
Naupactus
Mytilene
Tanagra
Aetolia
Olpae
Idomene
Pylos
Sphacteria
Megara
Delium
Amphipolis
Mantinea
Hysiae
Orneae
Melos
Sicilian Expedition
Syme
Eretria
Cynossema
Abydos
Cyzicus
Notium
Arginusae
Aegospotami
The Peloponnesian War (431–404 BC) was an ancient Greek war fought by the Delian League led by Athens against the Peloponnesian League led by Sparta. Historians have traditionally divided the war into three phases. In the first phase, the Archidamian War, Sparta launched repeated invasions of Attica, while Athens took advantage of its naval supremacy to raid the coast of the Peloponnese and attempt to suppress signs of unrest in its empire. This period of the war was concluded in 421 BC, with the signing of the Peace of Nicias. That treaty, however, was soon undermined by renewed fighting in the Peloponnese. In 415 BC, Athens dispatched a massive expeditionary force to attack Syracuse in Sicily; the attack failed disastrously, with the destruction of the entire force, in 413 BC. This ushered in the final phase of the war, generally referred to either as the Decelean War, or the Ionian War. In this phase, Sparta, now receiving support from Persia, supported rebellions in Athens' subject states in the Aegean Sea and Ionia, undermining Athens' empire, and, eventually, depriving the city of naval supremacy. The destruction of Athens' fleet at Aegospotami effectively ended the war, and Athens surrendered in the following year. Corinth and Thebes demanded that Athens should be destroyed and all its citizens should be enslaved, but Sparta refused.
The term "Peloponnesian War " was never used by Thucydides, by far its major historian: that the term is all but universally used today is a reflection of the Athens-centric sympathies of modern historians. As prominent historian J. B. Bury remarks, the Peloponnesians would have considered it the "Attic War".[1]
The Peloponnesian War reshaped the ancient Greek world. On the level of international relations, Athens, the strongest city-state in Greece prior to the war's beginning, was reduced to a state of near-complete subjection, while Sparta became established as the leading power of Greece. The economic costs of the war were felt all across Greece; poverty became widespread in the Peloponnese, while Athens found itself completely devastated, and never regained its pre-war prosperity.[2][3] The war also wrought subtler changes to Greek society; the conflict between democratic Athens and oligarchic Sparta, each of which supported friendly political factions within other states, made civil war a common occurrence in the Greek world.
Greek warfare, meanwhile, originally a limited and formalized form of conflict, was transformed into an all-out struggle between city-states, complete with atrocities on a large scale. Shattering religious and cultural taboos, devastating vast swathes of countryside, and destroying whole cities, the Peloponnesian War marked the dramatic end to the fifth century BC and the golden age of Greece.[4]
Contents
[hide]
1 Prelude
1.1 Breakdown of the peace
2 The "Archidamian War"
3 Peace of Nicias
4 Sicilian Expedition
5 The Second War
5.1 Athens recovers
6 Lysander triumphs, Athens surrenders
7 Aftermath
8 References
9 Further reading
9.1 Classical authors
9.2 Modern authors
10 External links
Prelude
As the preeminent Athenian historian, Thucydides, wrote in his influential History of the Peloponnesian War, "The growth of the power of Athens, and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon, made war inevitable."[5] Indeed, the nearly fifty years of Greek history that preceded the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War had been marked by the development of Athens as a major power in the Mediterranean world. Its empire began as a small group of city-states, called the Delian League—from the island of Delos, on which they kept their treasury—that came together to ensure that the Greco-Persian Wars were truly over. After defeating the Persian invasion of Greece in the year 480 BC, Athens led the coalition of Greek city-states that continued the Greco-Persian Wars with attacks on Persian territories in the Aegean and Ionia. What then ensued was a period, referred to as the Pentecontaetia (the name given by Thucydides), in which Athens increasingly became in fact an empire,[6] carrying out an aggressive war against Persia and increasingly dominating other city-states. Athens proceeded to bring under its control all of Greece except for Sparta and its allies, ushering in a period which is known to history as the Athenian Empire. By the middle of the century, the Persians had been driven from the Aegean and forced to cede control of a vast range of territories to Athens. At the same time, Athens greatly increased its own power; a number of its formerly independent allies were reduced, over the course of the century, to the status of tribute-paying subject states of the Delian League. This tribute was used to support a powerful fleet and, after the middle of the century, to fund massive public works programs in Athens, causing resentment.[7]
Friction between Athens and the Peloponnesian states, including Sparta, began early in the Pentecontaetia; in the wake of the departure of the Persians from Greece, Sparta attempted to prevent the reconstruction of the walls of Athens (without the walls, Athens would have been defenseless against a land attack and subject to Spartan control), but was rebuffed.[8] According to Thucydides, although the Spartans took no action at this time, they "secretly felt aggrieved".[9] Conflict between the states flared up again in 465 BC, when a helot revolt broke out in Sparta. The Spartans summoned forces from all of their allies, including Athens, to help them suppress the revolt. Athens sent out a sizable contingent (4,000 hoplites), but upon its arrival, this force was dismissed by the Spartans, while those of all the other allies were permitted to remain. According to Thucydides, the Spartans acted in this way out of fear that the Athenians would switch sides and support the helots; the offended Athenians repudiated their alliance with Sparta.[10] When the rebellious helots were finally forced to surrender and permitted to evacuate the state, the Athenians settled them at the strategic city of Naupactus on the Corinthian Gulf.[11]
In 459 BC, Athens took advantage of a war between its neighbors Megara and Corinth, both Spartan allies, to conclude an alliance with Megara, giving the Athenians a critical foothold on the Isthmus of Corinth. A fifteen-year conflict, commonly known as the First Peloponnesian War, ensued, in which Athens fought intermittently against Sparta, Corinth, Aegina, and a number of other states. For a time during this conflict, Athens controlled not only Megara but also Boeotia; at its end, however, in the face of a massive Spartan invasion of Attica, the Athenians ceded the lands they had won on the Greek mainland, and Athens and Sparta recognized each other's right to control their respective alliance systems.[12] The war was officially ended by the Thirty Years' Peace, signed in the winter of 446/5 BC.[13]
Breakdown of the peace
The Delian League in 431 BC
The Thirty Years' Peace was first tested in 440 BC, when Athens' powerful ally Samos rebelled from its alliance with Athens. The rebels quickly secured the support of a Persian satrap, and Athens found itself facing the prospect of revolts throughout the empire. The Spartans, whose intervention would have been the trigger for a massive war to determine the fate of the empire, called a congress of their allies to discuss the possibility of war with Athens. Sparta's powerful ally Corinth was notably opposed to intervention, and the congress voted against war with Athens. The Athenians crushed the revolt, and peace was maintained.[14]
The more immediate events that led to war involved Athens and Corinth. After suffering a defeat at the hands of their colony of Corcyra, a sea power that was not allied to either Sparta or Athens, Corinth began to build an allied naval force. Alarmed, Corcyra sought an alliance with Athens, which after debate and input from both Corcyra and Corinth, decided to swear a defensive alliance with Corcyra. At the Battle of Sybota, a small contingent of Athenian ships played a critical role in preventing a Corinthian fleet from capturing Corcyra. In order to uphold the Thirty Years' Peace, however, the Athenians were instructed not to intervene in the battle unless it was clear that Corinth was going to press onward to invade Corcyra. However, the Athenian warships participated in the battle nevertheless, and the arrival of additional Athenian warships was enough to dissuade the Corinthians from exploiting their victory, thus sparing much of the routed Corcyraean and Athenian fleet.[15]
Following this, Athens instructed Potidaea (Chalcidice peninsula), a tributary ally of Athens but a colony of Corinth, to tear down its walls, send hostages to Athens, dismiss the Corinthian magistrates from office, and refuse the magistrates that the city would send in the future.[16] The Corinthians, outraged by these actions, encouraged Potidaea to revolt and assured them that they would ally with them should they revolt from Athens. Meanwhile, the Corinthians were unofficially aiding Potidaea by sneaking contingents of men into the besieged city to help defend it. This was a direct violation of the Thirty Years' Peace, which had (among other things) stipulated that the Delian League and the Peloponnesian League would respect each other's autonomy and internal affairs.
A further source of provocation was an Athenian decree, issued in 433/2 BC, imposing stringent trade sanctions on Megarian citizens (once more a Spartan ally after the conclusion of the First Peloponnesian War). It was alleged that the Megarians had desecrated the Hiera Orgas. These sanctions, known as the Megarian decree, were largely ignored by Thucydides, but some modern economic historians have noted that forbidding Megara to trade with the prosperous Athenian empire would have been disastrous for the Megarans, and have accordingly considered the decree to be a contributing factor in bringing about the war.[17] Historians that attribute responsibility for the war to Athens cite this event as the main cause for blame.[18]
At the request of the Corinthians, the Spartans summoned members of the Peloponnesian League to Sparta in 432 BC, especially those who had grievances with Athens to make their complaints to the Spartan assembly. This debate was attended by members of the league and an uninvited delegation from Athens, which also asked to speak, and became the scene of a debate between the Athenians and the Corinthians. Thucydides reports that the Corinthians condemned Sparta's inactivity up to that point, warning the Spartans that if they continued to remain passive while the Athenians were energetically active, they would soon find themselves outflanked and without allies.[19] The Athenians, in response, reminded the Spartans of their record of military success and opposition to Persia, and warned them of the dangers of confronting such a powerful state, ultimately encouraging Sparta to seek arbitration as provided by the Thirty Years' Peace.[20] Undeterred, a majority of the Spartan assembly voted to declare that the Athenians had broken the peace, essentially declaring war.[21]
The "Archidamian War"
The walls surrounding Athens
Sparta and its allies, with the exception of Corinth, were almost exclusively land-based powers, able to summon large land armies which were very nearly unbeatable (thanks to the legendary Spartan forces). The Athenian Empire, although based in the peninsula of Attica, spread out across the islands of the Aegean Sea; Athens drew its immense wealth from tribute paid from these islands. Athens maintained its empire through naval power. Thus, the two powers were relatively unable to fight decisive battles.
The Spartan strategy during the first war, known as the Archidamian War (431–421 BC) after Sparta's king Archidamus II, was to invade the land surrounding Athens. While this invasion deprived Athenians of the productive land around their city, Athens itself was able to maintain access to the sea, and did not suffer much. Many of the citizens of Attica abandoned their farms and moved inside the Long walls, which connected Athens to its port of Piraeus. At the end of the first year of the war, Pericles gave his famous Funeral Oration (431 BC).
The Spartans also occupied Attica for periods of only three weeks at a time; in the tradition of earlier hoplite warfare the soldiers were expected to go home to participate in the harvest. Moreover, Spartan slaves, known as helots, needed to be kept under control, and could not be left unsupervised for long periods of time. The longest Spartan invasion, in 430 BC, lasted just forty days.
The Athenian strategy was initially guided by the strategos, or general, Pericles, who advised the Athenians to avoid open battle with the far more numerous and better trained Spartan hoplites, relying instead on the fleet. The Athenian fleet, the most dominant in Greece, went on the offensive, winning a victory at Naupactus. In 430 BC an outbreak of a plague hit Athens. The plague ravaged the densely packed city, and in the long run, was a significant cause of its final defeat. The plague wiped out over 30,000 citizens, sailors and soldiers, including Pericles and his sons. Roughly one-third to two-thirds of the Athenian population died. Athenian manpower was correspondingly drastically reduced and even foreign mercenaries refused to hire themselves out to a city riddled with plague. The fear of plague was so widespread that the Spartan invasion of Attica was abandoned, their troops being unwilling to risk contact with the diseased enemy.
After the death of Pericles, the Athenians turned somewhat against his conservative, defensive strategy and to the more aggressive strategy of bringing the war to Sparta and its allies. Rising to particular importance in Athenian democracy at this time was Cleon, a leader of the hawkish elements of the Athenian democracy. Led militarily by a clever new general Demosthenes (not to be confused with the later Athenian orator Demosthenes), the Athenians managed some successes as they continued their naval raids on the Peloponnese. Athens stretched their military activities into Boeotia and Aetolia, quelled the Mytilenean revolt and began fortifying posts around the Peloponnese. One of these posts was near Pylos on a tiny island called Sphacteria, where the course of the first war turned in Athens's favour. The post off Pylos struck Sparta where it was weakest: its dependence on the helots, who tended the fields while its citizens trained to become soldiers. The helots made the Spartan system possible, but now the post off Pylos began attracting helot runaways. In addition, the fear of a general revolt of helots emboldened by the nearby Athenian presence drove the Spartans to action. Demosthenes, however, outmanoeuvred the Spartans in the Battle of Pylos in 425 BC and trapped a group of Spartan soldiers on Sphacteria as he waited for them to surrender. Weeks later, though, Demosthenes proved unable to finish off the Spartans. After boasting that he could put an end to the affair in the Assembly, the inexperienced Cleon won a great victory at the Battle of Sphacteria. The Athenians captured 300 Spartan hoplites. The hostages gave the Athenians a bargaining chip.
After these battles, the Spartan general Brasidas raised an army of allies and helots and marched the length of Greece to the Athenian colony of Amphipolis in Thrace, which controlled several nearby silver mines; their product supplied much of the Athenian war fund. Thucydides was dispatched with a force which arrived too late to stop Brasidas capturing Amphipolis; Thucydides was exiled for this, and, as a result, had the conversations with both sides of the war which inspired him to record its history. Both Brasidas and Cleon were killed in Athenian efforts to retake Amphipolis (see Battle of Amphipolis). The Spartans and Athenians agreed to exchange the hostages for the towns captured by Brasidas, and signed a truce.
Peace of Nicias
Main article: Peace of Nicias
With the death of Cleon and Brasidas, zealous war hawks for both nations, the Peace of Nicias was able to last for some six years. However, it was a time of constant skirmishing in and around the Peloponnese. While the Spartans refrained from action themselves, some of their allies began to talk of revolt. They were supported in this by Argos, a powerful state within the Peloponnese that had remained independent of Lacedaemon. With the support of the Athenians, the Argives succeeded in forging a coalition of democratic states within the Peloponnese, including the powerful states of Mantinea and Elis. Early Spartan attempts to break up the coalition failed, and the leadership of the Spartan king Agis was called into question. Emboldened, the Argives and their allies, with the support of a small Athenian force under Alcibiades, moved to seize the city of Tegea, near Sparta.
The Battle of Mantinea was the largest land battle fought within Greece during the Peloponnesian War. The Lacedaemonians, with their neighbors the Tegeans, faced the combined armies of Argos, Athens, Mantinea, and Arcadia. In the battle, the allied coalition scored early successes, but failed to capitalize on them, which allowed the Spartan elite forces to defeat the forces opposite them. The result was a complete victory for the Spartans, which rescued their city from the brink of strategic defeat. The democratic alliance was broken up, and most of its members were reincorporated into the Peloponnesian League. With its victory at Mantinea, Sparta pulled itself back from the brink of utter defeat, and re-established its hegemony throughout the Peloponnese.
Sicilian Expedition
Main article: Sicilian Expedition
Sicily and the Peloponnesian War
In the 17th year of the war, word came to Athens that one of their distant allies in Sicily was under attack from Syracuse. The people of Syracuse were ethnically Dorian (as were the Spartans), while the Athenians, and their ally in Sicilia, were Ionian. The Athenians felt obliged to assist their ally.
The Athenians did not act solely from altruism: rallied on by Alcibiades, the leader of the expedition, they held visions of conquering all of Sicily. Syracuse, the principal city of Sicily, was not much smaller than Athens, and conquering all of Sicily would have brought Athens an immense amount of resources. In the final stages of the preparations for departure, the hermai (religious statues) of Athens were mutilated by unknown persons, and Alcibiades was charged with religious crimes. Alcibiades demanded that he be put on trial at once, so that he might defend himself before the expedition. The Athenians however allowed Alcibiades to go on the expedition without being tried (many believed in order to better plot against him). After arriving in Sicily, Alcibiades was recalled to Athens for trial. Fearing that he would be unjustly condemned, Alcibiades defected to Sparta and Nicias was placed in charge of the mission. After his defection, Alcibiades claimed to the Spartans that the Athenians planned to use Sicily as a springboard for the conquest of all of Italy and Carthage, and to use the resources and soldiers from these new conquests to conquer the Peloponnese.
The Athenian force consisted of over 100 ships and some 5,000 infantry and light-armored troops. Cavalry was limited to about 30 horses, which proved to be no match for the large and highly trained Syracusan cavalry. Upon landing in Sicily, several cities immediately joined the Athenian cause. Instead of attacking at once, Nicias procrastinated and the campaigning season of 415 BC ended with Syracuse scarcely damaged. With winter approaching, the Athenians were then forced to withdraw into their quarters, and they spent the winter gathering allies and preparing to destroy Syracuse. The delay allowed the Syracusans to send for help from Sparta, who sent their general Gylippus to Sicily with reinforcements. Upon arriving, he raised up a force from several Sicilian cities, and went to the relief of Syracuse. He took command of the Syracusan troops, and in a series of battles defeated the Athenian forces, and prevented them from invading the city.
Nicias then sent word to Athens asking for reinforcements. Demosthenes was chosen and led another fleet to Sicily, joining his forces with those of Nicias. More battles ensued and again, the Syracusans and their allies defeated the Athenians. Demosthenes argued for a retreat to Athens, but Nicias at first refused. After additional setbacks, Nicias seemed to agree to a retreat until a bad omen, in the form of a lunar eclipse, delayed any withdrawal. The delay was costly and forced the Athenians into a major sea battle in the Great Harbor of Syracuse. The Athenians were thoroughly defeated. Nicias and Demosthenes marched their remaining forces inland in search of friendly allies. The Syracusan cavalry rode them down mercilessly, eventually killing or enslaving all who were left of the mighty Athenian fleet.
The Second War
The Lacedaemonians were not content with simply sending aid to Sicily; they also resolved to take the war to the Athenians. On the advice of Alcibiades, they fortified Decelea, near Athens, and prevented the Athenians from making use of their land year round. The fortification of Decelea prevented the shipment of supplies overland to Athens, and forced all supplies to be brought in by sea at increased expense. Perhaps worst of all, the nearby silver mines were totally disrupted, with as many as 20,000 Athenian slaves freed by the Spartan hoplites at Decelea. With the treasury and emergency reserve fund of 1,000 talents dwindling away, the Athenians were forced to demand even more tribute from her subject allies, further increasing tensions and the threat of further rebellion within the Empire.
The Corinthians, the Spartans, and others in the Peloponnesian League sent more reinforcements to Syracuse, in the hopes of driving off the Athenians; but instead of withdrawing, the Athenians sent another hundred ships and another 5,000 troops to Sicily. Under Gylippus, the Syracusans and their allies were able to decisively defeat the Athenians on land; and Gylippus encouraged the Syracusans to build a navy, which was able to defeat the Athenian fleet when they attempted to withdraw. The Athenian army, attempting to withdraw overland to other, more friendly Sicilian cities, was divided and defeated; the entire Athenian fleet was destroyed, and virtually the entire Athenian army was sold off into slavery.
Following the defeat of the Athenians in Sicily, it was widely believed that the end of the Athenian Empire was at hand. Her treasury was nearly empty, her docks were depleted, and the flower of her youth was dead or imprisoned in a foreign land. They overestimated the strength of their own empire and the beginning of the end was indeed imminent.
Athens recovers
The key actions of each phase
Following the destruction of the Sicilian Expedition, Lacedaemon encouraged the revolt of Athens's tributary allies, and indeed, much of Ionia rose in revolt against Athens. The Syracusans sent their fleet to the Peloponnesians, and the Persians decided to support the Spartans with money and ships. Revolt and faction threatened in Athens itself.
The Athenians managed to survive for several reasons. First, their foes were lacking in initiative. Corinth and Syracuse were slow to bring their fleets into the Aegean, and Sparta's other allies were also slow to furnish troops or ships. The Ionian states that rebelled expected protection, and many rejoined the Athenian side. The Persians were slow to furnish promised funds and ships, frustrating battle plans.
At the start of the war, the Athenians had prudently put aside some money and 100 ships that were to be used only as a last resort.
These ships were then released, and served as the core of the Athenians' fleet throughout the rest of the war. An oligarchical revolution occurred in Athens, in which a group of 400 seized power. A peace with Sparta might have been possible, but the Athenian fleet, now based on the island of Samos, refused to accept the change. In 411 BC this fleet engaged the Spartans at the Battle of Syme. The fleet appointed Alcibiades their leader, and continued the war in Athens's name. Their opposition led to the reinstitution of a democratic government in Athens within two years.
Alcibiades, while condemned as a traitor, still carried weight in Athens. He prevented the Athenian fleet from attacking Athens; instead, he helped restore democracy by more subtle pressure. He also persuaded the Athenian fleet to attack the Spartans at the battle of Cyzicus in 410. In the battle, the Athenians obliterated the Spartan fleet, and succeeded in re-establishing the financial basis of the Athenian Empire.
Between 410 and 406, Athens won a continuous string of victories, and eventually recovered large portions of its empire. All of this was due, in no small part, to Alcibiades.
Lysander triumphs, Athens surrenders
Faction triumphed in Athens following a minor Spartan victory by their skillful general Lysander at the naval battle of Notium in 406 BC. Alcibiades was not re-elected general by the Athenians and he exiled himself from the city. He would never again lead Athenians in battle. Athens was then victorious at the naval battle of Arginusae. The Spartan fleet under Callicratidas lost 70 ships and the Athenians lost 25 ships. But, due to bad weather, the Athenians were unable to rescue their stranded crews or to finish off the Spartan fleet. Despite their victory, these failures caused outrage in Athens and led to a controversial trial. The trial resulted in the execution of six of Athens’s top naval commanders. Athens’s naval supremacy would now be challenged without several of its most able military leaders and a demoralized navy.
Unlike some of his predecessors the new Spartan general, Lysander, was not a member of the Spartan royal families and was also formidable in naval strategy; he was an artful diplomat, who had even cultivated good personal relationships with the Persian prince Cyrus, the son of Darius II. Seizing its opportunity, the Spartan fleet sailed at once to the Hellespont, the source of Athens' grain. Threatened with starvation, the Athenian fleet had no choice but to follow. Through cunning strategy, Lysander totally defeated the Athenian fleet, in 405 BC, at the Battle of Aegospotami, destroying 168 ships and capturing some three or four thousand Athenian sailors. Only 12 Athenian ships escaped, and several of these sailed to Cyprus, carrying the "strategos" (General) Conon, who was anxious not to face the judgment of the Assembly.
Facing starvation and disease from the prolonged siege, Athens surrendered in 404 BC, and its allies soon surrendered as well. The democrats at Samos, loyal to the bitter last, held on slightly longer, and were allowed to flee with their lives. The surrender stripped Athens of its walls, its fleet, and all of its overseas possessions. Corinth and Thebes demanded that Athens should be destroyed and all its citizens should be enslaved. However, the Spartans announced their refusal to destroy a city that had done a good service at a time of greatest danger to Greece, and took Athens into their own system. Athens was "to have the same friends and enemies" as Sparta.[22]
Aftermath
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The overall effect of the war in Greece proper was to substitute a Spartan empire for an Athenian one. After the battle of Aegospotami, Sparta took over the Athenian empire and kept all of its tribute revenues for itself; Sparta's allies, who had made greater sacrifices for the war effort than had Sparta, got nothing.[1]
For a short period of time, Athens was ruled by the "Thirty Tyrants", and democracy was suspended. This was a reactionary regime set up by Sparta. In 403 BC, the oligarchs were overthrown and a democracy was restored by Thrasybulus.
Although the power of Athens was broken, it made something of a recovery as a result of the Corinthian War and continued to play an active role in Greek politics. Sparta was later humbled by Thebes at the Battle of Leuctra in 371 BC, but the rivalry between Athens and Sparta was brought to an end a few decades later when Philip II of Macedon conquered all of Greece except Sparta.
References
^ Jump up to: a b Bury, J. B.; Meiggs, Russell (1956). A history of Greece to the death of Alexander the Great. London: Macmillan. pp. 397, 540.
Jump up ^ Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 488.
Jump up ^ Fine, The Ancient Greeks, 528–33.
Jump up ^ Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, Introduction xxiii–xxiv.
Jump up ^ Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War 1.23
Jump up ^ Fine, The Ancient Greeks, 371
Jump up ^ Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 8
Jump up ^ Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War 1.89–93
Jump up ^ Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War 1.92.1
Jump up ^ Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War 1.102
Jump up ^ Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War 1.103
Jump up ^ Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 16–18
Jump up ^ In the Hellenic calendar, years ended at midsummer; as a result, some events cannot be dated to a specific year of the modern calendar.
Jump up ^ Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 23–24
Jump up ^ Thucydides, Book I, 49–50
Jump up ^ Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War 1.56
Jump up ^ Fine, The Ancient Greeks, 454–56
Jump up ^ Buckley Aspects of Greek History, 319–22
Jump up ^ Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War 1.67–71
Jump up ^ Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War 1.73–75
Jump up ^ Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 45.
Jump up ^ Xenophon, Hellenica, 2.2.20,404/3
Further reading
Classical authors
Eight bookes of the Peloponnesian Warre written by Thucydides the sonne of Olorus. Interpreted with faith and diligence immediately out of the Greeke by Thomas Hobbes secretary to ye late Earle of Deuonshire. (Houghton Library)
Aristophanes, Lysistrata
Diodorus Siculus
Herodotus, Histories sets the table of events before Peloponnesian War that deals with Greco-Persian Wars and the formation of the Classical Greece
Plutarch, known primarily for his Parallel Lives and Moralia
Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War
Xenophon, Hellenica
Modern authors
Bagnall, Nigel. The Peloponnesian War: Athens, Sparta, And The Struggle For Greece. New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2006 (hardcover, ISBN 0-312-34215-2).
Cawkwell, George. Thucydides and the Peloponnesian War. London: Routledge, 1997 (hardcover, ISBN 0-415-16430-3; paperback, ISBN 0-415-16552-0).
Hanson, Victor Davis. A War Like No Other: How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War. New York: Random House, 2005 (hardcover, ISBN 1-4000-6095-8); New York: Random House, 2006 (paperback, ISBN 0-8129-6970-7).
Heftner, Herbert. Der oligarchische Umsturz des Jahres 411 v. Chr. und die Herrschaft der Vierhundert in Athen: Quellenkritische und historische Untersuchungen. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2001 (ISBN 3-631-37970-6).
Hutchinson, Godfrey. Attrition: Aspects of Command in the Peloponnesian War. Stroud, Gloucestershire, UK: Tempus Publishing, 2006 (hardcover, ISBN 1-86227-323-5).
Kagan, Donald:
The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1969 (hardcover, ISBN 0-8014-0501-7); 1989 (paperback, ISBN 0-8014-9556-3).
The Archidamian War. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1974 (hardcover, ISBN 0-8014-0889-X); 1990 (paperback, ISBN 0-8014-9714-0).
The Peace of Nicias and the Sicilian Expedition. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981 (hardcover, ISBN 0-8014-1367-2); 1991 (paperback, ISBN 0-8014-9940-2).
The Fall of the Athenian Empire. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987 (hardcover, ISBN 0-8014-1935-2); 1991 (paperback, ISBN 0-8014-9984-4).
The Peloponnesian War. New York: Viking, 2003 (hardcover, ISBN 0-670-03211-5); New York: Penguin, 2004 (paperback, ISBN 0-14-200437-5); a one-volume version of his earlier tetralogy.
Kallet, Lisa. Money and the Corrosion of Power in Thucydides: The Sicilian Expedition and its Aftermath. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001 (hardcover, ISBN 0-520-22984-3).
Krentz, Peter. The Thirty at Athens. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1982 (hardcover, ISBN 0-8014-1450-4).
The Landmark Thucydides: A Comprehensive Guide to the Peloponnesian War, edited by Robert B. Strassler. New York: The Free Press, 1996 (hardcover, ISBN 0-684-82815-4); 1998 (paperback, ISBN 0-684-82790-5).
Roberts, Jennifer T. The Plague of War: Athens, Sparta, and the Struggle for Ancient Greece. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017 (hardcover, ISBN 9780199996643
External links
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Peloponnesian War.
"Peloponnesian War". Encyclopædia Britannica. 21 (11th ed.). 1911.
LibriVox: The History of the Peloponnesian War (Public Domain Audiobooks in the US – 20:57:23 hours, at least 603.7 MB)
Richard Crawley, The History of the Peloponnesian War (Translation of Thukydides' books – in Project Gutenberg)
Peloponnesian war
Peloponnesian war on Lycurgus.org
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Benjamin Stone (Law & Order character)
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Ben Stone
Law & Order character
First appearance
"Prescription for Death"
Last appearance
"Old Friends"
Portrayed by
Michael Moriarty
Time on show
1990–1994
Seasons
1, 2, 3, 4
Credited appearances
88 episodes (total)
Succeeded by
Jack McCoy
Benjamin "Ben" Stone is a fictional character portrayed by Michael Moriarty in the TV drama Law & Order. He was the Executive Assistant District Attorney for New York County until his resignation at the end of season four. He appeared in 88 episodes.
Contents
[hide]
1 Character overview
2 Career within the show
3 Post-departure
4 Family
5 Reason for departure
6 References
Character overview[edit]
Stone works in the Manhattan District Attorney's office under Alfred Wentworth (in the pilot episode) and Adam Schiff. He was raised in an Irish Catholic family. He was raised mostly by his Irish grandmother,[1] his father having been an alcoholic.[2] Stone is divorced and has a son, Peter Stone, who was the Deputy Chief of the Special Prosecutions Bureau in Chicago and is now the Chief ADA of the Sex Crimes Bureau in New York,[3] and a daughter, Pamela.[4]
Stone's prosecutorial methods are portrayed as being grounded in moral principles stemming from his Catholic faith. He is shown to be pro-life[5] and opposed to the death penalty.[6] He also is a strong advocate of social justice, having marched in the civil rights movement.[7] It is implied that Stone, like actor Moriarty, is a Dartmouth College alumnus, with references to "fraternity row" and New Hampshire.
Career within the show[edit]
Stone became Executive Assistant DA in 1985 after convicting con artist and murderer Philip Swann, who years later enters a civil suit against Stone when the validity of the conviction is called into question. (Swann is ultimately found guilty, however, and sent back to prison.)[8] Stone's assistants have been Paul Robinette and Claire Kincaid.
A strict, unyielding boss, Stone can be very difficult to work with; in the pilot episode, Sergeant Max Greevey and Detective Mike Logan, intimate that Stone "eats ADAs for lunch."[9] Nevertheless, Stone is usually rather soft-spoken, and is fond of using harmless words like "sir" to convey his contempt for the people he prosecutes.
Stone makes his last appearance in the show in the episode "Old Friends," the final episode of season four. The episode portrays a racketeering case in which the main witness (portrayed by Allison Janney), whose testimony Stone had secured by threatening to send her to prison, is murdered by the Russian Mafia. He feels responsible for her death and resigns from the DA's office.[10] He is succeeded by Jack McCoy as Executive ADA.
Post-departure[edit]
Stone is mentioned in the 1996 episode "Custody" as a possible witness against a judge. When his former assistant Paul Robinette, now a defense attorney, wants a judge to recuse himself for past comments showing bias against drug addicts and support for forced sterilization, Robinette threatens to subpoena Stone to testify about the comments, which both he and Stone heard the judge make. Upon hearing of the threat, Schiff informs McCoy that Stone "is travelling in Europe, not available to testify at any hearing." However, the judge by this time has already declared himself "unavailable" to hear the case.
Twenty-one years later, his son Peter is introduced in the Chicago Justice episode "Uncertainty Principle". He has followed in his father’s footsteps as an ADA. In the 19th season of Law & Order: Special Victims Unit, Peter succeeds Rafael Barba as ADA for the titular sex crimes bureau.
The opening scene of the Law & Order: Special Victims Unit episode "The Undiscovered Country" (aired in 2018) reveals that Ben has passed away from something unknown. The episode shows Ben's successor as Manhattan DA, Jack McCoy, giving the eulogy at the funeral.
Family[edit]
Stone's son is Peter Stone, a Cook County Assistant State's Attorney and lead character on Chicago Justice.[11] Peter first appears on the Chicago P.D. episode "Justice", which is the backdoor pilot for Chicago Justice. After the latter's cancellation, Peter will also star in season 19 of Law & Order: Special Victims Unit.[12]
Stone also had a daughter, Pamela, who appears in the nineteenth-season episode "Send in the Clowns" of Law & Order: Special Victims Unit. Pamela is schizophrenic, living in a psychiatric hospital in upstate New York. According to Peter, Ben would visit Pamela once a week, and Peter has continued the visits since their father's death.
Reason for departure[edit]
Stone's departure from the series stemmed from actor Michael Moriarty's dispute with the network and U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno, who in 1993 began promoting legislation to limit portrayals of violence on television. Moriarty, who was outspoken against Reno and what he felt was government censorship, was scheduled to appear on NBC shows Today and Now with Tom Brokaw and Katie Couric, but both ended up canceled. Moriarty had already taped his segment for Now; for his Today show appearance, during which he was scheduled to debate Senator Kent Conrad, he was replaced by FCC chairman Reed Hundt. Both appearances were scheduled to air on January 26, 1994. Moriarty submitted his resignation to producer Dick Wolf on January 25, 1994, and his departure was written into the series.[13][14]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "The Troubles". Law & Order. Season 1. Episode 20. November 26, 1991. NBC.
Jump up ^ "Prescription For Death". Law & Order. Season 1. Episode 1. September 13, 1990. NBC.
Jump up ^ "Breaking News - NBC's New Comedies Earn Key Timeslots with Strong Support While Powerful Sunday Lineup Launches March 5 as #1 Network Sets Midseason Slate - TheFutonCritic.com".
Jump up ^ "Night and Fog". Law & Order. Season 3. Episode 13. February 3, 1993. NBC.
Jump up ^ "Life Choice". Law & Order. Season 1. Episode 12. January 8, 1991. NBC.
Jump up ^ "Vengeance". Law & Order. Season 2. Episode 16. February 18, 1992. NBC.
Jump up ^ "Sanctuary". Law & Order. Season 4. Episode 19. April 13, 1994. NBC.
Jump up ^ "American Dream". Law & Order. Season 4. Episode 8. November 9, 1993. NBC.
Jump up ^ "Everybody's Favorite Bagman". Law & Order. Season 1. Episode 6. October 30, 1990. NBC.
Jump up ^ "Old Friends". Law & Order. Season 4. Episode 22. May 25, 1994. NBC.
Jump up ^ Stanhope, Kate (January 18, 2017). "'Chicago Justice': Dick Wolf Talks 3-Show Crossover, 'Law & Order' Comparisons". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved January 19, 2017.
Jump up ^ Kimberly Roots (August 8, 2017). "Law & Order SVU: Philip Winchester to Bring Chicago Justice Role to NY". TVLine. Retrieved August 12, 2017.
Jump up ^ Brozan, Nadine (February 1, 1994). "Chronicle". The New York Times. Retrieved June 30, 2017.
Jump up ^ Weber, Bruce (March 4, 1994). "On Stage, and Off". The New York Times. Retrieved June 30, 2017.
[hide]
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