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Virginia Plan
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Virginia Plan
Front side of the Virginia Plan 1787
Created
May 29, 1787
Location
National Archives
Author(s)
James Madison
Purpose
Propose a structure of government to the Philadelphia Convention
The Virginia Plan (also known as the Randolph Plan, after its sponsor, or the Large-State Plan) was a proposal by Virginia delegates for a bicameral legislative branch.[1] The plan was drafted by James Madison while he waited for a quorum to assemble at the Constitutional Convention of 1787.[2][3] The Virginia Plan was notable for its role in setting the overall agenda for debate in the convention and, in particular, for setting forth the idea of population-weighted representation in the proposed national legislature.
Background[edit]
The Constitutional Convention gathered in Philadelphia to revise the Articles of Confederation. The Virginia delegation took the initiative to frame the debate by immediately drawing up and presenting a proposal, for which delegate James Madison is given chief credit. However, it was Edmund Randolph, the Virginia governor at the time, who officially put it before the convention on May 29, 1787, in the form of 15 resolutions.[4]
The scope of the resolutions, going well beyond tinkering with the Articles of Confederation, succeeded in broadening the debate to encompass fundamental revisions to the structure and powers of the national government. The resolutions proposed, for example, a new form of national government having three branches (legislative, executive and judicial). One contentious issue facing the convention was the manner in which large and small states would be represented in the legislature: proportionate to population, with larger states having more votes than less-populous states, or by equal representation for each state, regardless of its size and population. The latter system more closely resembled that of the Articles of Confederation, under which each state was represented by one vote in a unicameral legislature.[citation needed]
Principles[edit]
The Virginia Plan proposed a legislative branch consisting of two chambers (bicameral legislature), with the dual principles of rotation in office and recall applied to the lower house of the national legislature.[5] Each of the states would be represented in proportion to their “Quotas of contribution, or to the number of free inhabitants.”[6] States with a large population, like Virginia (which was the most populous state at the time), would thus have more representatives than smaller states. Large states supported this plan, and smaller states generally opposed it, preferring an alternative put forward on June 15. The New Jersey Plan proposed a single-chamber legislature in which each state, regardless of size, would have one vote, as under the Articles of Confederation. In the end, the convention settled on the Connecticut Compromise, creating a House of Representatives apportioned by population and a Senate in which each state is equally represented.
In addition to dealing with legislative representation, the Virginia Plan addressed other issues as well, with many provisions that did not make it into the Constitution that emerged. It called for a national government of three branches: legislative, executive, and judicial. Members of one of the two legislative chambers would be elected by the people; members of that chamber would then elect the second chamber from nominations submitted by state legislatures. The executive would be chosen by the legislative branch.
Terms of office were not specified, but the executive and members of the popularly elected legislative chamber could not be elected for an undetermined time afterward. The legislative branch would have the power to negate state laws if they were deemed incompatible with the articles of union. The concept of checks and balances was embodied in a provision that legislative acts could be vetoed by a council composed of the executive and selected members of the judicial branch; their veto could be overridden by an unspecified legislative majority.
The Virginia Plan
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Frantzich, Stephen E.; Howard R. Ernst (2008). The Political Science Toolbox: A Research Companion to the American Government. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 24. ISBN 0-7425-4762-0.
Jump up ^ Roche, John P. (December 1961). "The Founding Fathers: A Reform Caucus in Action". American Political Science Review. 55.
Jump up ^ Ann Marie Dube (May 1996). "A Multitude of Amendments, Alterations and Additions". National Park Service.
Jump up ^ Virginia Plan of Government, retrieved 2016-12-03
Jump up ^ "Res[olved] that the members of the first branch of the National Legislature ought to be elected by the people of the several States every for the term of;___...to be incapable of reelection for the space of ___after the expiration of their term of service; and to be subject to recall." Max Farrand, ed., The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, 4 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1911), 1:20.
Jump up ^ "Variant Texts of the Virginia Plan, Presented by Edmund Randolph to the Federal Convention, May 29, 1787. Text A", The Avalon Project, Yale Law School, retrieved 2016-12-03
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Virginia Plan
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text:
Criminal jurisdiction
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This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (January 2015) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Criminal jurisdiction is a term used in constitutional law and public law to describe the power of courts to hear a case brought by a state accusing a defendant of the commission of a crime. It is relevant in three distinct situations:
to regulate the relationship between states, or between one state and another;
where the nation is a federation, to regulate the relationship between the federal courts and the domestic courts of those states comprising the federation; and
where a state only has, to a greater or lesser extent, a single and unified system of law, it is the law of criminal procedure to regulate what cases each classification of court within the judicial system shall adjudicate upon. People must be tried in the same state the crime is committed.
Contents
[hide]
1 Extraterritorial issues
1.1 Supranational courts
1.2 Extraterritorial jurisdiction in international law
1.3 International crime
1.3.1 The initiatory or subjective theory
1.3.2 The terminatory or objective theory
2 In the United States
2.1 U.S. federal courts
2.2 Problems
2.2.1 Concurrent jurisdiction
3 References
Extraterritorial issues[edit]
Supranational courts[edit]
Under the public international law system, de jure states are sovereign within their own territorial boundaries. A few states such as the Netherlands have adopted a monist approach, i.e. they accept international and municipal laws as part of a single system. Thus, whether a supranational court or tribunal has criminal jurisdiction over its territory or citizens, will be determined by international law. The majority of states are dualist, i.e. they will only accept international obligations through the process of incorporation, say by signing and adopting treaties and conventions. Hence, whether a supranational court or tribunal will have jurisdiction and, if so, over what subject matter and over what period of time, will be decided by the sovereign government of the day.
Extraterritorial jurisdiction in international law[edit]
Because each government is supreme, it can enact whatever statutes it wishes. Thus, State A would have the power to make a law which, for example, made it an offence to smoke in the streets of State B, a neighbouring state. State A could employ officers and equip them with cameras. These officers could then collect evidence in State B and, when its citizens returned home, State A could prosecute them for breach of the law. But State A's law could not be directly effective in State B because that would make State B less than sovereign. Similarly, State A could not seek the extradition of its own citizens from State B unless State B was formally to consent (usually through the negotiation of a treaty including the particular offence).
International crime[edit]
Transborder crimes take place in more than one state. For example, a defendant may fire a gun, post a package, or write or speak words in State A, but the effects of each action are felt in State B. Some states claim a public policy justification to exercise jurisdiction over crimes committed by, or crimes committed against their citizens, even though these crimes are committed outside their borders. Thus, one of the classifications of crime is "crimes against the state". These are crimes that affect the interests of the state or its administration. In extreme cases, a state may wish to prosecute one of its own citizens for treason even though all the relevant acts and omissions took place in another state. Similarly, if a citizen of State A is acting in a way that interferes with the friendly relations between State A and State B, it may be expedient to prosecute this citizen no matter where the relevant acts have been committed. Jurisdiction may also be claimed over crimes on board the ships and aircraft operated by corporations based in the given state, no matter where these craft may be located at the relevant time. In English law, where murder and manslaughter are concerned, the English court has jurisdiction over offences committed abroad, if it was committed by a British citizen (see section 9 of the Offences against the Person Act 1861 and section 3 of the British Nationality Act 1948). In R v Cheong (2006) AER (D) 385 the appellant was living in Guyana in 1983. He shot and killed a man who had just robbed his wife and sister-in-law. Under local law he was charged only with the unlicensed possession of a firearm; but as a British citizen, section 9 of the 1861 Act applied 19 years after he returned to England and he was charged with murder. On appeal, a conviction for manslaughter was upheld. At a level of conventional policy, there are two main theories to justify the exercise of jurisdiction:
The initiatory or subjective theory[edit]
The state in which the sequence of events begins, claims jurisdiction because the accused did everything in his or her power to commit the offence within its territory. Intending to deceive Y into parting with money, X writes a begging letter claiming to be a penniless widow with ten starving children and posts it in State A. X must then rely on the postal workers to carry the letter to Y in State B. No matter how hard X tries, X cannot take any further action to promote the scheme, and whether it succeeds or fails is entirely outside his or her ability to control. There are three theoretical issues to consider:
the definition of the actus reus elements of the crime must be wide enough to include a continuing sequence of events. Some offences are either frozen in time or geography because they are defined either as activities being undertaken when the harm occurs (e.g. driving offences), or in terms of their consequences. For example, the definition of a "deception" is some form of dishonest representation that induces the victim to do or refrain from doing something that causes him or her loss. Anything else is preparatory or anticipatory to this key intellectual event. Thus, to facilitate a prosecution of X, the definition of the offence in State A must include writing and posting the letter in State A as well as the operation of the letter upon the mind of the recipient in the State B.
State A would be prosecuting conduct occurring within its borders that does not constitute the complete actus reus, i.e. unless and until the letter is read by the recipient, the deception cannot operate or fail. The alternative would be to consider X's actions of writing and posting the letter as preparatory acts and so an attempt. This would be sensible if the letter fails to convince Y, but a nonsense if the letter actually induces Y into sending a cheque back to X.
the policy that caused State A to criminalise the given actus reus must justify a prosecution even though no actual injury or damage has been sustained to a person resident within the territory of State A. The usual justification for criminalising any set of acts or omissions is as a deterrent to protect local citizens. It is not usually the policy of State A to protect the citizens of State B from harm: that duty arises out of the social contract between State B and its own citizens.
In English law, see the definition of a deception which must be the operative cause of the "obtaining" in the deception offences and under the Theft Act 1978, and note that all the inchoate offencess move in time and across borders so that an attempt continues from the proximate act until failure, a conspiracy agreement is not limited to a particular place, and the encouragement by a secondary party as an accessory continues until the principal commits the substantive offence.
The terminatory or objective theory[edit]
If the injury or damage affects a citizen within the territory of a state, it would be usual for that state to claim jurisdiction to protect the interests of those who are present within its borders. But X would not have taken any action within State B's borders, so the wording of the actus reus must permit a prosecution in this situation. The theoretical justification for this jurisdiction may be that X has intended to cause the loss or injury and so should not escape liability through the device of only seeking to deceive those resident outside State A (a strategy that would be very simple given the internet). The justification is less clear when the place of injury is an accident. Within a single state, the doctrine of transferred intent would apply to criminalise accidental departures from a planned attack, but if X's letter is redirected out of State A by one of Y's helpful relatives, the receipt of the letter by Y on holiday in State B is entirely outside X's actual intention (just it might be irrelevant to a sender where the recipient of an e-mail is resident). Alternatively, suppose that X physically attacks Y in State A, intending to kill him. Both are nationals of State A. Y is seriously injured and, because the hospitals in State B have a superior track record for treating injuries of this type, Y arranges to be transferred to State B where he later dies. Again, there is no causal connection between X's initial criminal acts and the territory of State B, and seeking to found jurisdiction simply on the ground that Y died within its borders, is not wholly convincing given that Y is not a national of State B and so neither owes allegiance nor is owed any duty of protection as a part of State B's social contract.
In the United States[edit]
The United States is a federation of states. The U.S. Constitution creates a federal government and legislature which has general powers over the territory of the whole and over foreign policy, whereas the individual states have their own governments that, within the scope allowed by the federal constitution, have local territorial jurisdiction. There is a system of federal courts which have jurisdiction to hear charges alleging federal crimes, and state courts have jurisdiction to hear charges alleging violations of local state law.
U.S. federal courts[edit]
Under the U.S. Constitution, the power of Congress to enact criminal statutes is limited; the federal government lacks "plenary criminal jurisdiction."[1] The powers of Congress to enact criminal laws "are not boundless."[2] The U.S. Constitution mentions explicit authority for Congress in three areas: (1) counterfeiting, (2) piracy and felony on the high seas and offenses against the law of nations, and (3) treason.[3] However, the "necessary and proper" clause of the Constitution gives Congress "broad power to enact laws that are 'convenient or useful' or 'conductive' to the authority's 'beneficial exercise' ".[4]
The United States district courts have original, exclusive subject matter jurisdiction over "all offenses against the laws of the United States."[5]
Some crimes are related to areas owned by or under the exclusive jurisdiction of the federal government. Examples of these crimes include those committed in the District of Columbia, in U.S. Territories, in U.S. National Parks, in federal courthouses and federal prisons, and aboard airplanes (regulated by the Federal Aviation Administration) and ocean-going vessels. The United States military has its own criminal justice system applicable to its members, and civilians may be charged with a federal crime for acts committed on military bases. Federal courts also have jurisdiction to hear cases brought against U.S. citizens based on their illegal activities in other countries.
The Sixth Amendment calls for trial “by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.” Within the federal court system, Rule 18 of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure specifies which federal court may hear a particular criminal case:
Unless a statute or these rules permit otherwise, the government must prosecute an offense in a district where the offense was committed. The court must set the place of trial within the district with due regard for the convenience of the defendant and the witnesses, and the prompt administration of justice.
Anderson, 328 U.S., at 703 holds: “[T]he locus delicti must be determined from the nature of the crime alleged and the location of the act or acts constituting it.” In Hyde v. United States, 225 U.S. 347 (1912) although none of the defendants had entered the District of Columbia as part of their conspiracy to defraud the United States, they were convicted because one co-conspirator had committed overt acts in Columbia (225 U.S., at 363). So conspiracy is a continuing offense committed in all the districts where a co-conspirator acts on the agreement. Similarly, In re Palliser, 136 U.S. 257 (1890) the sending of letters from New York to postmasters in Connecticut in an attempt to gain postage on credit, made Connecticut, where the mail he addressed and dispatched was received, an appropriate venue (136 U.S., at 266—268). See 18 U.S.C. § 3237(a):
Any offense involving the use of the mails … is a continuing offense and … may be … prosecuted in any district from, through, or into which such … mail matter … moves.
This was applied in United States v. Johnson, 323 U.S. 273, 275 (1944) so that “an illegal use of the mails … may subject the user to prosecution in the district where he sent the goods, or in the district of their arrival, or in any intervening district.”
Problems[edit]
This system works well when there is a clear line of demarcation between the two state jurisdictions, or between a state and federal jurisdictions, and prosecutions may be initiated in the appropriate court. But laws and rules are not always so clear.[citation needed]
Concurrent jurisdiction[edit]
Some crimes have national significance and, to reflect the public interest, their investigation and prosecution will fall to the Federal Bureau of Investigation or the Department of Justice. This creates tensions between the two systems because the individual states in which aspects of the criminal activity have taken place may wish to assert jurisdiction over that part, whereas the federal authorities will wish to consolidate the wrongdoing across several states into a single trial.
One significant result of the concurrent jurisdiction between state and federal courts (and in some cases between different state courts) is that an individual who violates both state and federal law, or the laws of multiple states, can be separately charged and tried in each jurisdiction. Thus, a resident of Virginia who defrauds a Florida resident through the mail may be tried in Virginia state court and in a Florida state court, and in a federal court in either Florida or Virginia. A famous example of dual state and federal sovereignty is the Rodney King case. Police officers who beat motorist Rodney King were acquitted of assault charges in the California state court, but were convicted of violating King's civil rights - based on the same events - in a federal court in California.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Note, "Piggyback Jurisdiction in the Proposed Federal Criminal Code," The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 81, No. 6 (May 1972, pp. 1209-1242, at 1210.
Jump up ^ Charles Doyle, "Congressional Authority to Enact Criminal Law: An Examination of Selected Recent Cases," p. 1, March 27, 2013, Congressional Research Service.
Jump up ^ Charles Doyle, "Congressional Authority to Enact Criminal Law: An Examination of Selected Recent Cases," p. 1, March 27, 2013, Congressional Research Service.
Jump up ^ Charles Doyle, "Congressional Authority to Enact Criminal Law: An Examination of Selected Recent Cases," p. 2, March 27, 2013, Congressional Research Service.
Jump up ^ 18 U.S.C. § 3231.
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1984 Democratic National Convention
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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1984 Democratic National Convention
1984 presidential election
Nominees
Mondale and Ferraro
Convention
Date(s)
July 16–19, 1984
City
San Francisco, California
Venue
Moscone Center
Keynote speaker
Mario Cuomo
Candidates
Presidential nominee
Walter Mondale of
Minnesota
Vice Presidential nominee
Geraldine Ferraro of
New York
‹ 1980 · 1988 ›
The Moscone Center was the site of the 1984 Democratic National Convention
The 1984 National Convention of the U.S. Democratic Party was held at the Moscone Center in San Francisco, California from July 16 to July 19, 1984, to select candidates for the 1984 United States presidential election. Former Vice President Walter Mondale was nominated for President and Representative Geraldine Ferraro of New York was nominated for Vice President. Ferraro became the first woman to be nominated by either major party for the Presidency or Vice-Presidency. In another first, the 1984 Democratic Convention was chaired by the female governor of Kentucky, Martha Layne Collins.[1] The Democratic National Committee Chairman at the time, Charles T. Manatt, led the convention.
Contents
[hide]
1 Events of the Convention
2 Voting
2.1 President
2.2 Vice-President
3 See also
4 References
5 External links
Events of the Convention[edit]
Walter Mondale was nominated for President and Geraldine Ferraro was nominated for Vice President.
New York Governor Mario Cuomo gave a well-received keynote speech. Mondale's major rivals for the presidential nomination, Senator Gary Hart and Rev. Jesse Jackson, also gave speeches.
Jackson's speech referred to the nation as a "quilt" with places for "[t]he white, the Hispanic, the black, the Arab, the Jew, the woman, the Native American, the small farmer, the business person, the environmentalist, the peace activist, the young, the old, the lesbian, the gay, and the disabled".[2] It was the first time anyone mentioned lesbians and gays in a national convention address.[3] Jackson also attempted to move the party's platform farther to the left at the Convention, but without much success. He did succeed in one instance, concerning affirmative action.[4]
"AIDS poster boy" Bobbi Campbell gave a speech at the National March for Lesbian and Gay Rights, dying of AIDS complications a month later.[5]
Voting[edit]
President[edit]
The candidates for U.S. president earned the following numbers of delegates:[6]
Democratic National Convention presidential vote, 1984
Candidate
Votes
Percentage
Walter Mondale 2,191 (56.41%)
Gary Hart 1,200 (30.92%)
Jesse Jackson 465 (12.00%)
Thomas Eagleton 18 (0.46%)
George McGovern 4 (0.10%)
John Glenn 2 (0.05%)
Joe Biden 1 (0.03%)
Martha Kirkland 1 (0.03%)
Totals 3,882 100.00%
Jesse Jackson unsuccessfully called for the suspension of the party's electoral rules to give him a number of delegates closer to the 20% average share of the vote he garnered during the primaries. The system tended to punish shallow showings as yielding no delegates at all, hence Jackson's smaller delegate count than would be expected (12%).[4]
Vice-President[edit]
Geraldine Ferraro was nominated by acclamation on a voice vote. She became the first woman to receive a major party nomination in the US.
See also[edit]
1984 Democratic Presidential Primaries
Rosalind Wiener Wyman, chair and chief executive officer of the convention
1983 Libertarian National Convention
1984 Republican National Convention
United States presidential election, 1984
History of the United States Democratic Party
List of Democratic National Conventions
U.S. presidential nomination convention
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Ferraro, Geraldine (1986). Ferraro: My Story. New York: Bantam. ISBN 0-553-05110-5.
Jump up ^ House, Ernest R. (24 July 1988). "Jesse in 1984: Whites Wept, Blacks Frowned". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2 January 2018.
Jump up ^ Reid, Joy-Ann (8 September 2015). Fracture: Barack Obama, the Clintons, and the Racial Divide (Amazon Kindle ed.). William Morrow. p. 50. ASIN B00FJ3A98G.
^ Jump up to: a b "The Jackson Factor". The Economist. 1984-07-21. Retrieved 2008-08-28.
Jump up ^ GLBT Historical Society (July 15, 1984). Bobbi Campbell speech (1984). YouTube. Retrieved July 19, 2015.
Jump up ^ Our Campaigns - US President - D Convention Race - Jul 16, 1984
External links[edit]
Democratic Party Platform of 1984 at The American Presidency Project
Complete video, text and audio of Mario Cuomo's Keynote Address at Democratic National Convention
Mondale Nomination Acceptance Speech for President at DNC (transcript) at The American Presidency Project
Video of Mondale nomination acceptance speech for President at DNC (via YouTube)
Audio of Mondale nomination acceptance speech for President at DNC
Video of Ferraro nomination acceptance speech for Vice President at DNC (via YouTube)
Transcript and Audio of Ferraro nomination acceptance speech for Vice President at DNC
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1980
New York, New York Democratic National Conventions Succeeded by
1988
Atlanta, Georgia
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Prehistoric warfare
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Prehistoric warfare refers to war that occurred between societies without recorded history.
The existence — and even the definition — of war in humanity's hypothetical state of nature has been a controversial topic in the history of ideas at least since Thomas Hobbes in Leviathan (1651) argued a "war of all against all", a view directly challenged by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in a Discourse on Inequality (1755) and The Social Contract (1762). The debate over human nature continues, spanning contemporary anthropology, archaeology, ethnography, history, political science, psychology, primatology, and philosophy in such divergent books as Azar Gat's War in Human Civilization and Raymond C. Kelly's Warless Societies and the Origin of War.[1][2] For the purposes of this article, "prehistoric war" will be broadly defined as a state of organized lethal aggression between autonomous preliterate communities.[3][4]
Contents
[hide]
1 Paleolithic
2 Epipaleolithic
3 Neolithic
4 Chalcolithic to Bronze Age
5 Iron Age
6 Endemic warfare
7 See also
8 Notes
Paleolithic[edit]
See also: Prehistoric weapons
Quartzite hand axe
According to cultural anthropologist and ethnographer Raymond C. Kelly, the earliest hunter-gatherer societies of Homo erectus population density was probably low enough to avoid armed conflict. The development of the throwing-spear, together with ambush hunting techniques, made potential violence between hunting parties very costly, dictating cooperation and maintenance of low population densities to prevent competition for resources. This behavior may have accelerated the migration out of Africa of H. erectus some 1.8 million years ago as a natural consequence of conflict avoidance.
Some scholars believe that this period of "Paleolithic warlessness" persisted until well after the appearance of Homo sapiens some 200,000 years ago, ending only at the occurrence of economic and social shifts associated with sedentism, when new conditions incentivized organized raiding of settlements.[5][6]
Of the many cave paintings of the Upper Paleolithic, none depict people attacking other people explicitly,[7][8] but there are depictions of human beings pierced with arrows both of the Aurignacian-Périgordian (roughly 30,000 years old) and the early Magdalenian (c. 17,000 years old), possibly representing "spontaneous confrontations over game resources" in which hostile trespassers were killed, but other interpretations, including capital punishment, human sacrifice, assassination or systemic warfare cannot be ruled out.[9]
Skeletal and artifactual evidence of intergroup violence between Paleolithic nomadic foragers is absent as well.[8][10]
Epipaleolithic[edit]
The most ancient archaeological record of what could have been a prehistoric massacre is at the site of Jebel Sahaba, commited by the Natufians against a population associated with the Qadan culture of far northern Sudan. The cemetery contains a large number of skeletons that are approximately 13,000 to 14,000 years old, almost half of them with arrowheads embedded in their skeletons, which indicates that they may have been the casualties of warfare.[11][12] It has been noted that the violence, if dated correctly, likely occurred in the wake of a local ecological crisis.[13]
At the site of Nataruk in Turkana, Kenya, numerous 10,000-year-old human remains were found with possible evidence of major traumatic injuries, including obsidian bladelets embedded in the skeletons, that should have been lethal. According to the original study, published in January 2016, the region was a "fertile lakeshore landscape sustaining a substantial population of hunter-gatherers" where pottery had been found, suggesting storage of food and sedentism.[14] The initial report concluded that the bodies at Nataruk were not interred, but were preserved in the positions the individuals had died at the edge of a lagoon. However, both the evidence for blunt force cranial trauma and for the claim that the bodies were not interred have been questioned by Stojanowski et al. (November 2016), suggesting the claim that the site represents early evidence of warfare or a massacre premature.[15]
The oldest rock art depicting acts of violence between hunter-gatherers in Northern Australia has been tentatively dated to 10,000 years ago.[16]
Cave painting of a battle between archers, Morella la Vella, Spain.
The earliest, limited evidence for war in Mesolithic Europe likewise dates to ca. 10,000 years ago, and episodes of warfare appear to remain "localized and temporarily restricted" during the Late Mesolithic to Early Neolithic period in Europe.[17] Iberian cave art of the Mesolithic shows explicit scenes of battle scenes between groups of archers.[18]
Early war was influenced by the development of bows, maces, and slings. The bow seems to have been the most important weapon in early warfare, in that it enabled attacks to be launched with far less risk to the attacker when compared to the risk involved in mêlée combat. While there are no cave paintings of battles between men armed with clubs, the development of the bow is concurrent with the first known depictions of organized warfare consisting of clear illustrations of two or more groups of men attacking each other. These figures are arrayed in lines and columns with a distinctly garbed leader at the front. Some paintings even portray still-recognizable tactics like flankings and envelopments.[19]
Neolithic[edit]
Systemic warfare appears to have been a direct consequence of the sedentism as it developed in the wake of the Neolithic Revolution. An important example is the massacre of Talheim Death Pit (near Heilbronn, Germany), dated right on the cusp of the beginning European Neolithic, at 5500 BC.[20] More recently, a similar site was discovered at Schöneck-Kilianstädten, with the remains of the victims showing "a pattern of intentional mutilation".[21] While the presence of such massacre sites in the context of Early Neolithic Europe is undisputed, diverging definitions of "warfare proper" (i.e. planned campaigns sanctioned by society as opposed to spontaneous massacres) has led to scholarly debate on the existence of warfare in the narrow sense prior to the development of city states in 20th-century archaeology. In the summary of Heath (2017), accumulating archaeology has made it "increasingly harder" to argue for the absence of organised warfare in Neolithic Europe.[22]
Warfare in pre-Columbian North America has served as an important comparandum in the archaeological study of the indirect evidence for warfare in the Neolithic. A notable example is the massacre at the Crow Creek Site in South Dakota (14th century).[23][24]
Chalcolithic to Bronze Age[edit]
Bronze swords from the Museum of Scotland.
The onset of the Chalcolithic (Copper Age) saw the introduction of copper weapons. Organised warfare between early city states was in existence by the mid-5th millennium BC. Excavations at Mersin, Anatolia show the presence of fortifications and soldiers' quarters by 4300 BC.[25]
Excavation work undertaken in 2005 and 2006 has shown that Hamoukar was destroyed by warfare by around 3500 BC-—probably the earliest urban warfare attested so far in the archaeological record of the Near East.[26] Continued excavations in 2008 and 2010 expand on that.[27]
Military conquests expanded city states under Egyptian control. Babylonia and later Assyria built empires in Mesopotamia while the Hittite Empire ruled much of Anatolia. Chariots appear in the 20th century BC, and become central to warfare in the Ancient Near East from the 17th century BC. The Hyksos and Kassite invasions mark the transition to the Late Bronze Age. Ahmose I defeated the Hyksos and re-established Egyptian control of Nubia and Canaan, territories again defended by Ramesses II at the Battle of Kadesh, the greatest chariot battle in history. The raids of the Sea Peoples and the renewed disintegration of Egypt in the Third Intermediate Period marks the end of the Bronze Age.
Mycenaean Greeks (c. 1600-1100 BC) invested in the development of military infrastructure, while military production and logistics were supervised directly from the palatial centers.[28] The most identifiable piece of Mycenaean armor was the boar's tusk helmet.[29] In general, most features of the later hoplite panoply of classical Greek antiquity, were already known to Mycenaean Greece.[30]
The Bronze Age in China traverses the protohistoric and historic periods. Battles utilizing foot and chariot infantry took place regularly between powers in the North China Plain.
Iron Age[edit]
Main article: Ancient warfare
Early Iron Age events like the Dorian invasion, Greek colonialism and their interaction with Phoenician and Etruscan forces lie within the prehistoric period. Germanic warrior societies of the Migration period engaged in endemic warfare (see also Thorsberg moor). Anglo-Saxon warfare lies on the edge of historicity, its study relying primarily on archaeology with the help of only fragmentary written accounts.
Endemic warfare[edit]
Main article: Endemic warfare
In warlike cultures, war is often ritualized with a number of taboos and practices that limit the number of casualties and the duration of the conflict. This type of situation is known as endemic warfare.[citation needed] Among tribal societies engaging in endemic warfare, conflict may escalate to actual warfare occasionally for reasons such as conflict over resources or for no readily understandable reason.
See also[edit]
Outline of prehistoric technology
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Gat, Azar (2006). War in Human Civilization. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199236633.
Jump up ^ Kelly, Raymond C. (2000). Warless Societies and the Origin of War. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0472067381.
Jump up ^ Thorpe, I.J.N. (April 2003). "Anthropology, archaeology, and the origin of warfare" (PDF). World Archaeology. 35 (1): 145–165. doi:10.1080/0043824032000079198. JSTOR
Jump up ^ Lambert, Patricia M. (September 2002). "The Archaeology of war: A North American perspective" (PDF). Journal of Archaeological Research. 10 (3): 207–241. JSTOR
Jump up ^ Kelly, Raymond C. (2000). Warless Societies and the Origin of War. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0472067381.
Jump up ^ Kelly, Raymond (October 2005). "The evolution of lethal inter-group violence". PNAS. 102 (43): 24–29. doi:10.1073/pnas.0505955102. PMC 1266108  . PMID 16129826. "This period of Paleolithic warlessness, grounded in low population density, an appreciation of the benefits of positive relations with neighbors, and a healthy respect for their defensive capabilities, lasted until the cultural development of segmental forms of organization engendered the origin of war"
Jump up ^ Guthrie, R. Dale (2005). The Nature of Paleolithic Art. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 422. ISBN 978-0-226-31126-5.
^ Jump up to: a b Haas, Jonathan and Matthew Piscitelli (2013) "The Prehistory of Warfare: Misled by Ethnography" In War, Peace, and Human Nature edited by Douglas P. Fry, pp. 168-190. New York: Oxford University Press.
Jump up ^ Keith F. Otterbein, How War Began (2004), p. 71f.
Jump up ^ Horgan, John. "New Study of Prehistoric Skeletons Undermines Claim That War Has Deep Evolutionary Roots". Scientific American.
Jump up ^ Antoine D., Zazzo A., Freidman R., "Revisiting Jebel Sahaba: New Apatite Radiocarbon Dates for One of the Nile Valley’s Earliest Cemeteries", American Journal of Physical Anthropology Supplement 56: 68 (2013).
Jump up ^ Friedman, Renée (14 July 2014). "Violence and climate change in prehistoric Egypt and Sudan". British Museum.
Jump up ^ http://www.ncas.rutgers.edu/sites/fasn/files/Pinker%27s%20List%20-%20Exaggerating%20Prehistoric%20War%20Mortality%20%282013%29.pdf
Jump up ^ Lahr, M. Mirazón; Rivera, F.; Power, R. K.; Mounier, A.; Copsey, B.; Crivellaro, F.; Edung, J. E.; Fernandez, J. M. Maillo; Kiarie, C. (2016). "Inter-group violence among early Holocene hunter-gatherers of West Turkana, Kenya". Nature. 529 (7586): 394–398. doi:10.1038/nature16477. PMID 26791728. See also: "Evidence of a prehistoric massacre extends the history of warfare". University of Cambridge. 20 Jan 2016. Retrieved 20 Mar 2017. , scientificamerican.com
Jump up ^ Stojanowski, Christopher M.; Seidel, Andrew C.; Fulginiti, Laura C.; Johnson, Kent M.; Buikstra, Jane E. (2016). "Contesting the massacre at Nataruk". Nature. 539 (7630): E8–E10. doi:10.1038/nature19778. PMID 27882979.
Jump up ^ Taçon, Paul; Chippindale, Christopher (October 1994). "Australia's Ancient Warriors: Changing Depictions of Fighting in the Rock Art of Arnhem Land, N.T.". Cambridge Archaeological Journal. 4 (2): 211–248. doi:10.1017/S0959774300001086.
Jump up ^ Fry (2013), p. 199.
Jump up ^ Keith F. Otterbein, How War Began (2004), p. 72. A group of three archers encircled by a group of four is found in Cueva del Roure, Morella la Vella, Castellón, Valencia. A depiction of a larger battle (which may, however, date to the early Neolithic), in which eleven archers are attacked by seventeen running archers, is found in Les Dogue, Ares del Maestra, Castellón, Valencia. Christensen J. 2004. "Warfare in the European Neolithic", Acta Archaeologica 75, 129–156. At Val del Charco del Agua Amarga, Alcañiz, Aragon, seven archers with plumes on their heads are fleeing a group of eight archers running in pursuit. S.L. Washburn, Social Life of Early Man (1962), p. 207.
Jump up ^ Keeley, War Before Civilization, 1996, Oxford University Press, pg.45, Fig. 3.1
Jump up ^ Lee (2015), p. 18.
Jump up ^ Christian Meyer et al., "The massacre mass grave of Schöneck-Kilianstädten reveals new insights into collective violence in Early Neolithic Central Europe", PNAS vol. 112 no. 36 (2015), 11217–11222, doi: 10.1073/pnas.1504365112.
Jump up ^ Julian Maxwell Heath, Warfare in Neolithic Europe (2017).
Jump up ^ The Perfect Gift: Prehistoric Massacres. The twin vices of women and cattle in prehistoric Europe Archived 2008-06-11 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Zimmerman 1981. The Crow Creek Site Massacre: Preliminary Report.
Jump up ^ Martin A. Nettleship, Dale Givens, War, its Causes and Correlates, Walter de Gruyter (1975), p. 300.
Jump up ^ "Archaeologists Unearth a War Zone 5,500 Years Old"
Jump up ^ [1], Clemens D. Reichel, Excavations at Hamoukar Syria, in Oriental Institute Fall 2011 News and Notes, no. 211, pp. 1-9, 2011
Jump up ^ Palaima, Tom (1999). "Mycenaean Militarism from a Textual Perspective" (PDF). Polemos: Warfare in the Aegean Bronze Age (Aegaeum). 19: 367–378. Retrieved 14 October 2015. .
Jump up ^ Schofield, Louise (2006). The Mycenaeans. Los Angeles, CA: J. Paul Getty Museum. p. 119. ISBN 978-0-89236-867-9.
Jump up ^ Kagan, Donald; Viggiano, Gregory F. (2013). Men of Bronze: Hoplite Warfare in Ancient Greece. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. p. 36. ISBN 978-1-4008-4630-6. In fact, most of the essential items of the "hoplite panoply" were known to Mycenaean Greece, including the metallic helmet and the single thrusting spear
Fry, Douglas P., War, Peace, and Human Nature. Oxford University Press, 2013.
Karsten, Rafael, Blood revenge, war, and victory feasts among the Jibaro Indians of eastern Ecuador, 1923.
Kelly, Raymond C. Warless societies and the origin of war. Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press, 2000.
LeBlanc, Steven A.. Prehistoric Warfare in the American Southwest, University of Utah Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0874805819
Lee, Wayne E., Waging War: Conflict, Culture, and Innovation in World History, Oxford University Press, 2015.
Randsborg, Klavs. Hjortspring : Warfare and Sacrifice in Early Europe. Aarhus, Denmark; Oakville, Connecticut. : Aarhus University Press, 1995.
Roksandic, Mirjana (ed.), Violent interactions in the Mesolithic : evidence and meaning. Oxford, England : Archaeopress, 2004.
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Hittite Empire

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Migration period

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https://www.jstor.org/stable/3560217

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https://www.jstor.org/stable/41053186

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//doi.org/10.1073%2Fpnas.0505955102

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PubMed Identifier

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//www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16129826

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//doi.org/10.1038%2Fnature16477

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//www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/26791728

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//doi.org/10.1038%2Fnature19778

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//www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/27882979

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http://oi.uchicago.edu/pdf/nn211.pdf

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value: Use of animals during the Gravettian period

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Schöningen Spears

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value: Prehistoric pile dwellings around the Alps

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Transepted gallery grave

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/wiki/Wedge-shaped_gallery_grave
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Wedge-shaped gallery grave

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/wiki/Megalithic_tomb
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Megalithic tomb

value: List of archaeoastronomical sites by country

value: Entheogenic drugs and the archaeological record

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value: حروب ما قبل التاريخ – Arabic

value: Războiul în epoca preistorică – Romanian

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value: Доисторические войны – Russian

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