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This article is about the spiritualist use of the ouija board. For other uses, see Ouija (disambiguation).
Not to be confused with Ouida.
Original Ouija board created in 1894
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The ouija (/ˈwiːdʒə/ WEE-jə or /ˈwiːdʒi/ WEE-jee), also known as a spirit board or talking board, is a flat board marked with the letters of the alphabet, the numbers 0–9, the words "yes", "no", "hello" (occasionally), and "goodbye", along with various symbols and graphics. It uses a small heart-shaped piece of wood or plastic called a planchette. Participants place their fingers on the planchette, and it is moved about the board to spell out words. "Ouija" is a trademark of Hasbro, Inc.,[1] but is often used generically to refer to any talking board. According to Hasbro, players take turns asking questions and then "wait to see what the planchette spells out" for them. [2]
Following its commercial introduction by businessman Elijah Bond on July 1, 1890,[1] the ouija board was regarded as a parlor game unrelated to the occult until American spiritualist Pearl Curran popularized its use as a divining tool during World War I.[3] Spiritualists believed that the dead were able to contact the living and reportedly used a talking board very similar to a modern ouija board at their camps in Ohio in 1886 to ostensibly enable faster communication with spirits.[4]
Some Christian denominations have "warned against using ouija boards", holding that they can lead to demonic possession.[5][6] Occultists, on the other hand, are divided on the issue, with some saying that it can be a positive transformation; others reiterate the warnings of many Christians and caution "inexperienced users" against it.[5]
Paranormal and supernatural beliefs associated with Ouija have been harshly criticized by the scientific community, since they are characterized as pseudoscience. The action of the board can be parsimoniously explained by unconscious movements of those controlling the pointer, a psychophysiological phenomenon known as the ideomotor effect.[7][8][9][10]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 China
1.2 Talking boards
1.3 Commercial parlor game
2 Scientific investigation
3 Use in creation of literature
4 Religious responses
5 Notable users
6 In popular culture
6.1 Books
6.2 Movies
6.3 Television
7 See also
8 Notes
9 References
10 External links
History[edit]
China[edit]
See also: Fuji (planchette writing)
Wang Chongyang, founder of the Quanzhen School, depicted in Changchun Temple, Wuhan
One of the first mentions of the automatic writing method used in the ouija board is found in China around 1100 AD, in historical documents of the Song Dynasty. The method was known as fuji "planchette writing". The use of planchette writing as an ostensible means of necromancy and communion with the spirit-world continued, and, albeit under special rituals and supervisions, was a central practice of the Quanzhen School, until it was forbidden by the Qing Dynasty.[11] Several entire scriptures of the Daozang are supposedly works of automatic planchette writing. According to one author, similar methods of mediumistic spirit writing have been practiced in ancient India, Greece, Rome, and medieval Europe.[12]
Talking boards[edit]
As a part of the spiritualist movement, mediums began to employ various means for communication with the dead. Following the American Civil War in the United States, mediums did significant business in presumably allowing survivors to contact lost relatives. The ouija itself would be created and named in Baltimore, Maryland, in 1890, but the use of talking boards was so common by 1886 that news reported the phenomenon taking over the spiritualists' camps in Ohio.[4]
Commercial parlor game[edit]
A modern Ouija board plus planchette
Businessman Elijah Bond had the idea to patent a planchette sold with a board on which the alphabet was printed, much like the previously existing talking boards. The patentees filed on May 28, 1890 for patent protection and thus are credited with the invention of the Ouija board. Issue date on the patent was February 10, 1891. They received U.S. Patent 446,054. Bond was an attorney and was an inventor of other objects in addition to this device.
An employee of Elijah Bond, William Fuld, took over the talking board production. In 1901, Fuld started production of his own boards under the name "Ouija".[13] Charles Kennard (founder of Kennard Novelty Company which manufactured Fuld's talking boards and where Fuld had worked as a varnisher) claimed he learned the name "Ouija" from using the board and that it was an ancient Egyptian word meaning "good luck." When Fuld took over production of the boards, he popularized the more widely accepted etymology: that the name came from a combination of the French and German words for "yes".[14]
The Fuld name became synonymous with the Ouija board, as Fuld reinvented its history, claiming that he himself had invented it. The strange talk about the boards from Fuld's competitors flooded the market, and all these boards enjoyed a heyday from the 1920s through the 1960s. Fuld sued many companies over the "Ouija" name and concept up until his death in 1927. In 1966, Fuld's estate sold the entire business to Parker Brothers. Hasbro purchased the product line in 1991 and continues to hold all trademarks and patents. About ten brands of talking boards are sold today under various names.[13]
Scientific investigation[edit]
The ouija phenomenon is considered by the scientific community to be the result of the ideomotor response.[7][15][16][17] Michael Faraday first described this effect in 1853, while investigating table-turning.[18][19]
Various studies have been produced, recreating the effects of the ouija board in the lab and showing that, under laboratory conditions, the subjects were moving the planchette involuntarily.[15][20] A 2012 study found that when answering yes or no questions, ouija use was significantly more accurate than guesswork, suggesting that it might draw on the unconscious mind.[16] Skeptics have described ouija board users as 'operators'.[21] Some critics noted that the messages ostensibly spelled out by spirits were similar to whatever was going through the minds of the subjects.[22] According to Professor of neurology Terence Hines in his book Pseudoscience and the Paranormal (2003):
The planchette is guided by unconscious muscular exertions like those responsible for table movement. Nonetheless, in both cases, the illusion that the object (table or planchette) is moving under its own control is often extremely powerful and sufficient to convince many people that spirits are truly at work... The unconscious muscle movements responsible for the moving tables and Ouija board phenomena seen at seances are examples of a class of phenomena due to what psychologists call a dissociative state. A dissociative state is one in which consciousness is somehow divided or cut off from some aspects of the individual's normal cognitive, motor, or sensory functions.[23]
In the 1970s ouija board users were also described as "cult members" by sociologists, though this was severely scrutinised in the field.[24]
Ouija boards have been criticized in the press since their inception, having been variously described as "'vestigial remains' of primitive belief-systems" and a con to part fools from their money.[25] Some journalists have described reports of ouija board findings as 'half truths' and have suggested that their inclusion in national newspapers lowers the national discourse overall.[26]
Use in creation of literature[edit]
Ouija boards have been the source of inspiration for literary works, used as guidance in writing or as a form of channeling literary works. As a result of Ouija boards' becoming popular in the early 20th century, by the 1920s many "psychic" books were written of varying quality often initiated by ouija board use.[27]
Emily Grant Hutchings claimed that her novel Jap Herron: A Novel Written from the Ouija Board (1917) was dictated by Mark Twain's spirit through the use of a Ouija board after his death.[28]
Pearl Lenore Curran (February 15, 1883 – December 4, 1937), alleged that for over 20 years she was in contact with a spirit named Patience Worth. This symbiotic relationship produced several novels, and works of poetry and prose, which Pearl Curran claimed were delivered to her through channelling Worth's spirit during sessions with a ouija board, and which works Curran then transcribed.
In late 1963, Jane Roberts and her husband Robert Butts started experimenting with a ouija board as part of Roberts' research for a book on extra-sensory perception.[29] According to Roberts and Butts, on December 2, 1963 they began to receive coherent messages from a male personality who eventually identified himself as Seth, culminating in a series of books dictated by "Seth".
In 1982, poet James Merrill released an apocalyptic 560-page epic poem titled The Changing Light at Sandover, which documented two decades of messages dictated from the Ouija board during séances hosted by Merrill and his partner David Noyes Jackson. Sandover, which received the National Book Critics Circle Award in 1983,[30] was published in three volumes beginning in 1976. The first contained a poem for each of the letters A through Z, and was called The Book of Ephraim. It appeared in the collection Divine Comedies, which won the Pulitzer Prize for Poetry in 1977.[31] According to Merrill, the spirits ordered him to write and publish the next two installments, Mirabell: Books of Number in 1978 (which won the National Book Award for Poetry)[32] and Scripts for the Pageant in 1980.
Religious responses[edit]
Since early in the ouija board's history, it has been criticized by several Christian groups including Roman Catholics.[5] Catholic Answers, a Christian apologetics organization, states that "The Ouija board is far from harmless, as it is a form of divination (seeking information from supernatural sources)."[33] In 2001, Ouija boards were burned in Alamogordo, New Mexico, by fundamentalist groups alongside Harry Potter books as "symbols of witchcraft."[34][35][36] Religious criticism has also expressed beliefs that the Ouija board reveals information which should only be in God's hands, and thus it is a tool of Satan.[37] A spokesperson for Human Life International described the boards as a portal to talk to spirits and called for Hasbro to be prohibited from marketing them.[38]
Bishops in Micronesia called for the boards to be banned and warned congregations that they were talking to demons and devils when using the boards.[39]
Notable users[edit]
Dick Brooks, of the Houdini Museum in Scranton, Pennsylvania, uses a Ouija board as part of a paranormal and seance presentation.[40]
Jane Roberts contacted Seth initially through the Ouija board an 'energy personality essence no longer focused in the physical world'. The book Seth Speaks was an explanation of reality by Seth.
G. K. Chesterton used a Ouija board in his teenaged years. Around 1893, he had gone through a crisis of scepticism and depression, and during this period Chesterton experimented with the Ouija board and grew fascinated with the occult.[41]
Early press releases stated that Vincent Furnier's stage and band name "Alice Cooper" was agreed upon after a session with a Ouija board, during which it was revealed that Furnier was the reincarnation of a 17th-century witch with that name. Alice Cooper later revealed that he just thought of the first name that came to his head while discussing a new band name with his band.[42]
Poet James Merrill used a Ouija board for years and even encouraged entrance of spirits into his body. Before he died, he recommended that people must not use Ouija boards.[43]
Former Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi claimed under oath that, in a séance held in 1978 with other professors at the University of Bologna, the "ghost" of Giorgio La Pira used a Ouija to spell the name of the street where Aldo Moro was being held by the Red Brigades. According to Peter Popham of The Independent: "Everybody here has long believed that Prodi's Ouija board tale was no more than an ill-advised and bizarre way to conceal the identity of his true source, probably a person from Bologna's seething far-left underground whom he was pledged to protect."[44]
The Mars Volta wrote their album Bedlam in Goliath (2008) based on their alleged experiences with a Ouija board. According to their story (written for them by a fiction author, Jeremy Robert Johnson), Omar Rodriguez Lopez purchased one while traveling in Jerusalem. At first the board provided a story which became the theme for the album. Strange events allegedly related to this activity occurred during the recording of the album: the studio flooded, one of the album's main engineers had a nervous breakdown, equipment began to malfunction, and Cedric Bixler-Zavala's foot was injured. Following these bad experiences the band buried the Ouija board.[45]
In the murder trial of Joshua Tucker, his mother insisted that he had carried out the murders while possessed by the Devil, who found him when he was using a Ouija board.[46][47]
Bill Wilson, the co-founder of Alcoholics Anonymous, used a Ouija board and conducted seances in attempts to contact the dead.[48]
Much of William Butler Yeats's later poetry was inspired, among other facets of occultism, by the Ouija board. Yeats himself did not use it, but his wife did.[49]
In London in 1994, convicted murderer Stephen Young was granted a retrial after it was learned that four of the jurors had conducted a Ouija board séance and had "contacted" the murdered man, who had named Young as his killer.[50] Young was convicted for a second time at his retrial and jailed for life.[51][52][53]
Aleister Crowley had great admiration for the use of the ouija board and it played a passing role in his magical workings.[54][55] Jane Wolfe, who lived with Crowley at Abbey of Thelema, also used the Ouija board. She credits some of her greatest spiritual communications to use of this implement. Crowley also discussed the Ouija board with another of his students, and the most ardent of them, Frater Achad (Charles Stansfeld Jones): it is frequently mentioned in their unpublished letters. In 1917 Achad experimented with the board as a means of summoning Angels, as opposed to Elementals. In one letter Crowley told Jones: "Your Ouija board experiment is rather fun. You see how very satisfactory it is, but I believe things improve greatly with practice. I think you should keep to one angel, and make the magical preparations more elaborate." Over the years, both became so fascinated by the board that they discussed marketing their own design. Their discourse culminated in a letter, dated February 21, 1919, in which Crowley tells Jones, "Re: Ouija Board. I offer you the basis of ten percent of my net profit. You are, if you accept this, responsible for the legal protection of the ideas, and the marketing of the copyright designs. I trust that this may be satisfactory to you. I hope to let you have the material in the course of a week." In March, Crowley wrote to Achad to inform him,"I'll think up another name for Ouija." But their business venture never came to fruition and Crowley's new design, along with his name for the board, has not survived. Crowley has stated, of the Ouija Board that,
There is, however, a good way of using this instrument to get what you want, and that is to perform the whole operation in a consecrated circle, so that undesirable aliens cannot interfere with it. You should then employ the proper magical invocation in order to get into your circle just the one spirit you want. It is comparatively easy to do this. A few simple instructions are all that is necessary, and I shall be pleased to give these, free of charge, to any one who cares to apply.[54]
E. H. Jones and C. W. Hill, whilst prisoners of the Turks during the First World War, used a Ouija board to convince their captors that they were mediums as part of an escape plan.[56]
In popular culture[edit]
Ouija boards have figured prominently in horror tales in various media as devices enabling malevolent spirits to spook their users. Most often, they make brief appearances, relying heavily on the atmosphere of mystery the board already holds in the mind of the viewer, in order to add credence to the paranormal presence in the story being told.
Books[edit]
In Stephen King's post-apocalyptic novel The Stand, Nadine Cross is contacted by Randall Flagg (also known as the dark man or Satan's Imp) twice via Ouija board. The first time is unintentionally, in college; the second time, in post-plague Boulder, she deliberately opens herself up to the communication, with dire consequences.
The Ouija Board (Paranormal Adventure Series Book 1) by Shelby White centers on a group of friends who unintentionally release evil through their use of a Ouija board, as does The Harrowing by Alexandra Sokoloff.
In For What It’s Worth by Janet Tashjian a boy uses a Ouija board to contact the spirits of Janis Joplin, Jimi Hendrix, and Jim Morrison.
Issue #79 of Bart Simpson, a comic book series based on The Simpsons, contains a story called "The Demon" in which Bart and Lisa find a Ouija board and unleash a demon. Issue #10 of Bart Simpson's Treehouse of horror contains the story "Scareway to Heaven" in which a Ouija board results in demon possession.
The Invisible Histories of the Spiral Mountain; or The Hymns of Melchizedek, an occult novel by Christopher of Detroit, contains several chapter that use the talking board for communication with the protagonist's higher self.
Movies[edit]
The Uninvited, made in 1944, features a scene with an impromptu board the characters put together. The 1973 blockbuster film, The Exorcist, also uses a ouija board to explain why the young girl becomes possessed. Alison's Birthday has one too, with its claustrophobia-inducing filming, as do the films Deadly Messages and Awakenings. The earliest Western film to hinge its entire plot around the (mis)use of a Ouija board, Witchboard (1986), makes a nod to The Exorcist (where there is a sequence in which a board is used), with a main character called Linda, and her partner quipping "So what you're telling me is... that I'm living with Linda Blair?" Witchboard was so successful it spawned two sequels: Witchboard 2: The Devil's Doorway, and Witchboard III: The Possession. In the same year as the first of the trilogy, the film Spookies also had its own Ouija board scene. What Lies Beneath (2000) also includes a séance scene with a board. Paranormal Activity (2007) involved a violent entity haunting a couple that becomes powerful when the man uses a Ouija board, despite the woman's objection. Another 2007 film, Ouija, depicted a group of adolescents whose use of the board causes a murderous spirit to follow them, while four years later, The Ouija Experiment portrayed a group of friends whose use of the board opens, and fails to close, a portal between the worlds of the living and the dead.[57] The 2014 film Ouija featured a group of friends whose use of the board prompted a series of deaths.[58] That film was followed by a 2016 prequel, Ouija: Origin of Evil, which also features the device.
Television[edit]
In season 1 episode 5 of The West Wing, the Ouija boards are mentioned by two characters who compare having a Ouija board to believing in UFO's.
In Season 3 Episode 8 of Reba (TV series), Barbra Jean and Reba use an Ouija Board to try and clean Barbra Jean and Brock’s house after Reba convinced her that the house was haunted. While holding the séance Reba pretended to be a ghost causing Barbra Jean to scream and run up stairs. The electric then goes out and Barbra Jean screams once again. At the end of the episode Barbra Jean asked Reba if they should ask the board if Brock was being a good husband in Vegas and the planchette moved. Reba then jumped across the table into Barbra Jean’s arms.
See also[edit]
List of topics characterized as pseudoscience
Dowsing
Divided consciousness
Dual consciousness
Left brain interpreter
Bicameralism (psychology)
Alien hand syndrome
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b "US Trademark Registration Number 0519636 under First Use in Commerce". tsdr.uspto.gov.
Jump up ^ "Ouija Board (2001) Instructions - Hasbro" (PDF). Hasbro.com. Hasbro, Inc. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
Jump up ^ Brunvand, Jan Harold (1998). American folklore: an encyclopedia. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-8153-3350-0.
^ Jump up to: a b "The Strange and Mysterious History of the ouija Board".
^ Jump up to: a b c Raising the devil: Satanism, new religions, and the media. University Press of Kentucky. Retrieved 31 December 2007. Practically since its invention a century ago, mainstream Christian religions, including Catholicism, have warned against the use of oujia boards, claiming that they are a means of dabbling with Satanism (Hunt 1985:93-95). Occultists are divided on the oujia board's value. Jane Roberts (1966) and Gina Covina (1979) express confidence that it is a device for positive transformation and they provide detailed instructions on how to use it to contact spirits and map the other world. But some occultists have echoed Christian warnings, cautioning inexperienced persons away from it.
Jump up ^ Carlisle, Rodney P. (2 April 2009). Encyclopedia of Play in Today's Society. SAGE Publications. p. 434. ISBN 9781412966702. In particular, Ouija boards and automatic writing are kin in that they can be practiced and explained both by parties who see them as instruments of psychological discovery; and both are abhorred by some religious groups as gateways to demonic possession, as the abandonment of will and invitation to external forces represents for them an act much like presenting an open wound to a germ-filled environment.
^ Jump up to: a b Heap, Michael. (2002). Ideomotor Effect (the Ouija Board Effect). In Michael Shermer. The Skeptic Encyclopedia of Pseudoscience. ABC-CLIO. pp. 127-129. ISBN 1-57607-654-7
Jump up ^ Adams, Cecil; Ed Zotti (3 July 2000). "How does a Ouija board work?". The Straight Dope. Retrieved 6 July 2010.
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^ Jump up to: a b Orlando, Eugene. "Ancient Ouija Boards: Fact ot Fiction?". Museum of Talking Boards. Retrieved 24 April 2012.
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^ Jump up to: a b Burgess, Cheryl A; Irving Kirsch; Howard Shane; Kristen L. Niederauer; Steven M. Graham; Alyson Bacon. "Facilitated Communication as an Ideomotor Response". Psychological Science. Blackwell Publishing. 9 (1): 71. doi:10.1111/1467-9280.00013. JSTOR 40063250.
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References[edit]
Cain, D. Lynn, "OUIJA – For the Record" 2009 ISBN 978-0-557-15871-3
Carpenter, W.B., "On the Influence of Suggestion in Modifying and directing Muscular Movement, independently of Volition", Royal Institution of Great Britain, (Proceedings), 1852, (12 March 1852), pp. 147–153.
Cornelius, J. Edward, Aleister Crowley and the Ouija Board. Feral House, 2005. ISBN 1-932595-10-4
Gruss, Edmond C., The Ouija Board: A Doorway to the Occult 1994 ISBN 0-87552-247-5
Hunt, Stoker, Ouija: The Most Dangerous Game. 1992 ISBN 0-06-092350-4
Hill, Joe, Heart-Shaped Box
Murch, R., "A Brief History of the Ouija Board", Fortean Times, No.249, (June 2009), pp. 32–33.
Schneck, R.D., "Ouija Madness", Fortean Times, No.249, (June 2009), pp. 30–37.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ouija.
Information on talking boards
Museum Of Talking Boards
The Official Website of William Fuld and home of the Ouija board
Skeptics
Ouija board helps psychologists probe the subconscious from New Scientist
The Skeptics' Dictionary: Ouija
An Encyclopedia of Claims, Frauds, and Hoaxes of the Occult and Supernatural
How does a Ouija board work? from The Straight Dope
Do Ouija Boards Work - The Fact and Fiction
Trade marks and patents
Trade-Mark Registration: "Ouija" (Trademark no. 18,919; 3 February 1891: Kennard Novelty Company)
"Ouija or Egyptian Luck Board" (patent no.446,054; 10 February 1891: Elijah J. Bond – assigned to Charles W. Kennard and William H. A. Maupin)
"Talking-Board" (patent no.462,819; 10 November 1891: Charles W. Kennard)
"Game Apparatus" (patent no. 479,266: 19 July 1892: William Fuld)
"Game Apparatus" (patent no. 619,236: 7 February 1899: Justin F. Simonds)
"Ouija or Talking Board" (patent no.1,125,833; 19 January 1915: William Fuld)
"Design for the Movable Member of a Talking-Board" (patent no.D56,001; 10 August 1920: William Fuld)
"Design of Finger-Rest and Pointer for a Game" (patent no. D56,085; 10 August 1920: John Vanderkamp – assigned to Goldsmith Publishing Company)
"Message Interpreting Device" or "Psychic Messenger" (patent no.1,352,046; 7 September 1920: Frederick H. Black)
"Design for the Movable Member of a Talking-Board" (patent no.D56,001; 10 August 1920: William Fuld)
"Ouija Board" (patent no.D56,449; 26 October 1920: Clifford H. McGlasson)
"Psychic Game" (patent no.1,370,249; 1 March 1921: Theodore H. White)
"Ouija Board" (patent no.1,400,791; 20 December 1921: Harry M. Bigelow)
"Game Board" (patent no.1,422,042; 4 July 1922: John R. Donnelly)
"(Magnetic) Toy" (patent no.1,422,775; 11 July 1922: Leon Martocci-Pisculli)
"Psychic Instrument" (patent no.1,476,158; 4 December 1923: Grover C. Haffner)
"Game" (patent no.1,514,260; 4 November 1924: Alfred A. Rees)
"Amusement Device" (patent no.1,870,677; 9 August 1932: William A. Fuld)
"Amusement Device" (patent no.2,220,455; 5 November 1940: John P. McCarthy)
"Finger Pressure Actuated Message Interpreting Amusement Device" (patent no.2,511,377; 13 June 1950: Raymond S. Richmond)
"Message Device With Freely Swingable Pointer" (patent no.3,306,617; 28 February 1967: Thomas W. Gillespie)
Other
"'Ouija board' appeal (against second guilty verdict) dismissed" – R. v. Young (1995)
BBC video on Ouija Board
Ouija at Curlie (based on DMOZ)
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Chronemics
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This article's tone or style may not reflect the encyclopedic tone used on Wikipedia. See Wikipedia's guide to writing better articles for suggestions. (October 2015) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Chronemics is the study of the role of time in communication. It is one of several subcategories of the study of nonverbal communication. Other prominent subcategories include haptics (touch), kinesics (body movement), vocalics (paralanguage), and proxemics (the use of space).[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 Definition
2 Monochronic time
3 Polychronic time
3.1 Measuring polychronicity
4 Predictable patterns between cultures with differing time systems
4.1 Cross-cultural perspectives on time
5 Time orientations
5.1 Time orientation and consumers
6 Culture and diplomacy
6.1 Cultural roots
6.2 Influence on global affairs
7 Control of time in power relationships
7.1 Waiting time
7.2 Talk time
7.3 Work time
8 Associated theories
8.1 Expectancy violations theory
8.2 Interpersonal adaptation theory
9 See also
10 References
11 Further reading
12 External links
Definition[edit]
Thomas J. Bruneau of Radford University coined the term "chronemics" in the late 1970s to help define the function of time in human interaction:
Chronemics can be briefly and generally defined as the study of human tempo as it related to human communication. More specifically, chronemics involves the study of both subjective and objective human tempos as they influence and are interdependent with human behavior. Further, chronemics involves the study of human communication as it relates to interdependent and integrated levels of time-experiencing. Previously, these interdependent and integrated levels have been outlined and discussed as: biological time; psychological time; social time; and cultural time. A number of classification systems exist in the literature of time. However, such systems are not applied to human interaction directly.[2]
Chronemics can be defined as "the interrelated observations and theories of man's use of time"[this quote needs a citation] – the way in which one perceives and values time, structures time, and reacts to time frames communication. Time perception plays a large role in the nonverbal communication process. Time perceptions include punctuality, willingness to wait, and interactions. The use of time can affect lifestyle, daily agendas, speed of speech, movements, and how long people are willing to listen.
Time can be used as an indicator of status. For example, in most companies the boss can interrupt progress to hold an impromptu meeting in the middle of the work day, yet the average worker would have to make an appointment to see the boss. The way in which different cultures perceive time can influence communication as well.
Cultures are sometimes[when?] considered monochronic or polychronic.
Monochronic time[edit]
A monochronic time system means that things are done one at a time and time is segmented into precise, small units. Under this system, time is scheduled, arranged and managed.
The United States considers itself a monochronic society. This perception came about during the Industrial Revolution, when "factory life required the labor force to be on hand and in place at an appointed hour" (Guerrero, DeVito & Hecht, 1999, p. 238). Many Americans like to think that to them, time is a precious resource not to be wasted or taken lightly. "We buy time, save time, spend time and make time. Our time can be broken down into years, months, days, hours, minutes, seconds and even milliseconds. We use time to structure both our daily lives and events that we are planning for the future. We have schedules that we must follow: appointments that we must go to at a certain time, classes that start and end at certain times, work schedules that start and end at certain times, and even our favorite TV shows, that start and end at a certain time."[3]
As communication scholar Edward T. Hall wrote regarding the American's viewpoint of time in the business world, "the schedule is sacred." Hall says that for monochronic cultures, such as the American culture, "time is tangible" and viewed as a commodity where "time is money" or "time is wasted." The result of this perspective is that monochronic cultures, place a paramount value on schedules, tasks and "getting the job done."[full citation needed] These cultures are committed to regimented schedules and may view those who do not subscribe to the same perception of time as disrespectful, inefficient or unreliable.
Polychronic time[edit]
A polychronic time system is a system where several things can be done at once, and wider view of time is exhibited and time is perceived in large fluid sections. Examples of polychronic behaviors include: typing while answering telephones or taking notes while sitting participating in meetings. Polychronicity is in contrast to those who prefer monochronicity (doing one thing at a time).[4]
Polychronic cultures are much less focused on the preciseness of accounting for each and every moment. As Raymond Cohen notes, polychronic cultures are more focused on tradition and relationships rather than on tasks—a clear difference from their monochronic counterparts. Cohen notes that "Traditional societies have all the time in the world. The arbitrary divisions of the clock face have little saliency in cultures grounded in the cycle of the seasons, the invariant pattern of rural life, community life, and the calendar of religious festivities" (Cohen, 1997, p. 34).
Polychronic culture is more focused on relationships, rather than watching the clock. Polychronic societies have no problem being "late" for an appointment if they are deeply focused on some work or in a meeting that ran past schedule, because the concept of time is fluid and can easily expand or contract as need be. As a result, polychronic cultures have a much less formal perception of time. They are not ruled by precise calendars and schedules. Rather, "cultures that use the polychronic time system often schedule multiple appointments simultaneously so keeping on schedule is an impossibility."[3]
Measuring polychronicity[edit]
Researchers have developed the following questionnaires to measure polychronicity:
Inventory of Polychronic Values (IPV), developed by Bluedorn et al. (1999) which is a 10-item scale designed to assess "the extent to which people in a culture prefer to be engaged in two or more tasks or events simultaneously and believe their preference is the best way to do things."
Polychronic Attitude Index (PAI), developed by Kaufman-Scarborough & Lindquist in 1991, which is a 4-item scale measuring individual preference for polychronicity, in the following statements:
"I do not like to juggle several activities at the same time".
"People should not try to do many things at once".
"When I sit down at my desk, I work on one project at a time".
"I am comfortable doing several things at the same time".
Predictable patterns between cultures with differing time systems[edit]
Monochronic people
Polychronic people
Do one thing at a time Do many things at once
Concentrate on a task set before them Concentrate on an event happening around them
Consider time commitments (deadlines, schedules) seriously Consider objectives (goals, results) seriously
Are low-context and need information Are high-context and already have information
Are committed to the job and end results Are committed to people and relationships
Dedicate themselves to plans Change plans often and easily
Are more concerned with privacy and individual ownership Are more concerned with community and shared connections
Emphasize prompt time recognition, regardless of relationship or circumstances Emphasize response based on nature of relationship and circumstances
Have strong tendency to build temporary, practical relationships Have strong tendency to build lifetime, familial relationships
Cross-cultural perspectives on time[edit]
Conflicting attitudes between the monochronic and polychronic perceptions of time can interfere with cross-cultural relations, and similar challenges can occur within an otherwise assimilated culture. One example in the United States is the Hawaiian culture, which employs two time systems: Haole time and Hawaiian time.
"When you hear someone say, 'See you at two o'clock haole time,' they mean they will just that. Haole time is when the person will meet when they say they will meet. But if you were to hear someone say, 'I'll be there at two o'clock Hawaiian time,' then something different is implied. Hawaiian time is very lax and it basically means 'when you get there.'" —Nick Lewis[3]
Time orientations[edit]
The way an individual perceives time and the role time plays in their lives is a learned perspective. As discussed by Alexander Gonzalez and Phillip Zimbardo, "every child learns a time perspective that is appropriate to the values and needs of his society" (Guerrero, DeVito & Hecht, 1999, p. 227).
There are four basic psychological time orientations:
Past
Time-line
Present
Future
Each orientation affects the structure, content, and urgency of communication (Burgoon, 1989). The past orientation has a hard time developing the notion of elapsed time and these individuals often confuse present and past happenings as all in the same. People oriented with time-line cognitivity are often detail oriented and think of everything in linear terms. These individuals also often have difficulty with comprehending multiple events at the same time. Individuals with a present orientation are mostly characterized as pleasure seekers who live for the moment and have a very low risk aversion. Those individuals who operate with future orientation are often thought of as being highly goal oriented and focused on the broad picture.
The use of time as a communicative channel can be a powerful, yet subtle, force in face-to-face interactions. Some of the more recognizable types of interaction that use time are:
Regulating interaction
This is shown to aid in the orderly transition of conversational turn-taking. When the speaker is opening the floor for a response, they will pause. However, when no response is desired, the speaker will talk a faster pace with minimal pause. (Capella, 1985)
Expressing intimacy
As relationships become more intimate, certain changes are made to accommodate the new relationship status. Some of the changes that are made include lengthening the time spent on mutual gazes, increasing the amount of time doing tasks for or with the other person and planning for the future by making plans to spend more time together (Patterson, 1990).
Affect management
The onset of powerful emotions can cause a stronger affect, ranging from joy to sorrow or even to embarrassment. Some of the behaviors associated with negative affects include decreased time of gaze and awkwardly long pauses during conversations. When this happens, it is common for the individuals to try and decrease any negative affects and subsequently strengthen positive affects (Edelman & Iwawaki, 1987).
Evoking emotion
Time can be used to evoke emotions in an interpersonal relationship by communicating the value of the relationship. For example, when someone who you have a close relationship with is late, you may not take it personally, especially if that is characteristic of them. However, if it is a meeting with a total stranger, their disrespect for the value of your time may be taken personally and could even cause you to display negative emotions if and when they do arrive for the meeting.
Facilitating service and task goals
Professional settings can sometimes give rise to interpersonal relations which are quite different from other "normal" interactions. For example, the societal norms that dictate minimal touch between strangers are clearly altered if one member of the dyad is a doctor, and the environment is that of a hospital examination room.
Time orientation and consumers[edit]
Time orientation has also revealed insights into how people react to advertising. Martin, Gnoth and Strong (2009) found that future-oriented consumers react most favorably to ads that feature a product to be released in the distant future and that highlight primary product attributes. In contrast, present-oriented consumers prefer near-future ads that highlight secondary product attributes. Consumer attitudes were mediated by the perceived usefulness of the attribute information.[5]
Culture and diplomacy[edit]
Cultural roots[edit]
Just as monochronic and polychronic cultures have different time perspectives, understanding the time orientation of a culture is critical to becoming better able to successfully handle diplomatic situations. Americans think they have, a future orientation. Hall indicates that for Americans "tomorrow is more important" and that they "are oriented almost entirely toward the future" (Cohen, 2004, p. 35). The future-focused orientation attributes to at least some of the concern that Americans have with "addressing immediate issues and moving on to new challenges" (Cohen, 2004, p. 35).
On the other hand, many polychronic cultures have a past-orientation toward time.
These time perspectives are the seeds for communication clashes in diplomatic situations. Trade negotiators have observed that "American negotiators are generally more anxious for agreement because "they are always in a hurry" and basically "problem solving oriented." In other words, they place a high value on resolving an issue quickly calling to mind the American catchphrase "some solution is better than no solution" (Cohen, 2004, p. 114). Similar observations have been made of Japanese-American relations. Noting the difference in time perceptions between the two countries, former ambassador to Tokyo, Mike Mansfield commented "We're too fast, they're too slow" (Cohen, 2004, p. 118).
Influence on global affairs[edit]
Different perceptions of time across cultures can influence global communication. When writing about time perspective, Gonzalez and Zimbardo comment that "There is no more powerful, pervasive influence on how individuals think and cultures interact than our different perspectives on time—the way we learn how we mentally partition time into past, present and future." (Guerrero, DeVito & Hecht, 1999, p. 227)
Depending upon where an individual is from, their perception of time might be that "the clock rules the day" or that "we'll get there when we get there."[this quote needs a citation] Improving prospects for success in the global community requires understanding cultural differences, traditions and communication styles.[according to whom?]
The monochronic-oriented approach to negotiations is direct, linear and rooted in the characteristics that illustrate low context tendencies. The low context culture approaches diplomacy in a lawyerly, dispassionate fashion with a clear idea of acceptable outcomes and a plan for reaching them. Draft arguments would be prepared elaborating positions. A monochronic culture, more concerned with time, deadlines and schedules, tends to grow impatient and want to rush to "close the deal."
More polychronic-oriented cultures come to diplomatic situations with no particular importance placed on time. Chronemics is one of the channels of nonverbal communication preferred by a High context Polychronic negotiator over verbal communication.The polychronic approach to negotiations will emphasis building trust between participants, forming coalitions and finding consensus. High context Polychronic negotiators might be charged with emotion toward a subject thereby obscuring an otherwise obvious solution.
Control of time in power relationships[edit]
See also: Personal boundaries
Time has a definite relationship to power. Though power most often refers to the ability to influence people (Guerrero, DeVito & Hecht, 1999, p. 314), power is also related to dominance and status (Guerrero, DeVito & Hecht, 1999, p. 315).
For example, in the workplace, those in a leadership or management position treat time and – by virtue of position – have their time treated differently from those who are of a lower stature position. Anderson and Bowman have identified three specific examples of how chronemics and power converge in the workplace – waiting time, talk time and work time.
Waiting time[edit]
Researchers Insel and Lindgren (Guerrero, DeVito & Hecht, 1999, p. 325) write that the act of making an individual of a lower stature wait is a sign of dominance. They note that one who "is in the position to cause another to wait has power over him. To be kept waiting is to imply that one's time is less valuable than that of the one who imposes the wait."
Talk time[edit]
There is a direct correlation between the power of an individual in an organization and conversation. This includes both length of conversation, turn-taking and who initiates and ends a conversation. Extensive research indicates that those with more power in an organization will speak more often and for a greater length of time. Meetings between superiors and subordinates provide an opportunity to illustrate this concept. A superior – regardless of whether or not they are running the actual meeting – lead discussions, ask questions and have the ability to speak for longer periods of time without interruption. Likewise, research shows that turn-taking is also influenced by power. Social psychologist Nancy Henley notes that "Subordinates are expected to yield to superiors and there is a cultural expectation that a subordinate will not interrupt a superior" (Guerrero, DeVito & Hecht, 1999, p. 326). The length of response follows the same pattern. While the superior can speak for as long as they want, the responses of the subordinate are shorter in length. Albert Mehrabian noted that deviation from this pattern led to negative perceptions of the subordinate by the superior. Beginning and ending a communication interaction in the workplace is also controlled by the higher-status individual in an organization. The time and duration of the conversation are dictated by the higher-status individual.
Work time[edit]
The time of high status individuals is perceived as valuable, and they control their own time. On the other hand, a subordinate with less power has their time controlled by a higher status individual and are in less control of their time – making them likely to report their time to a higher authority. Such practices are more associated with those in non-supervisory roles or in blue collar rather than white collar professions. Instead, as power and status in an organization increases, the flexibility of the work schedule also increases. For instance, while administrative professionals might keep a 9 to 5 work schedule, their superiors may keep less structured hours. This does not mean that the superior works less. They may work longer, but the structure of their work environment is not strictly dictated by the traditional work day. Instead, as Koehler and their associates note "individuals who spend more time, especially spare time, to meetings, to committees, and to developing contacts, are more likely to be influential decision makers" (Guerrero, DeVito & Hecht, 1999, p. 327).
A specific example of the way power is expressed through work time is scheduling. As Yakura and others have noted in research shared by Ballard and Seibold, "scheduling reflects the extent to which the sequencing and duration of plans activities and events are formalized" (Ballard and Seibold, p. 6). Higher-status individuals have very precise and formal schedules – indicating that their stature requires that they have specific blocks of time for specific meetings, projects and appointments. Lower status individuals however, may have less formalized schedules. Finally, the schedule and appointment calendar of the higher status individual will take precedence in determining where, when and the importance of a specific event or appointment.
Associated theories[edit]
Expectancy violations theory[edit]
Developed by Judee Burgoon, expectancy violations theory (EVT) sees communication as the exchange of information which is high in relational content and can be used to violate the expectations of another which will be perceived as either positively or negatively depending on the liking between the two people.
When our expectations are violated, we will respond in specific ways. If an act is unexpected and is assigned favorable interpretation, and it is evaluated positively, it will produce more favorable outcomes than an expected act with the same interpretation and evaluation.
Interpersonal adaptation theory[edit]
Main article: Interpersonal adaptation theory
The interpersonal adaptation theory (IAT), founded by Judee Burgoon, states that adaptation in interaction is responsive to the needs, expectations, and desires of communicators and affects how communicators position themselves in relation to one another and adapt to one another's communication. For example, they may match each other's behavior, synchronize the timing of behavior, or behave in dissimilar ways. It is also important to note that individuals bring to interactions certain requirements that reflect basic human needs, expectations about behavior based on social norms, and desires for interaction based on goals and personal preferences (Burgoon, Stern & Dillman, 1995).
See also[edit]
African time
Paul Virilio
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Moore, Nina (2010). Nonverbal Communication:Studies and Applications. New York: Oxford University Press.
Jump up ^ Bruneau, Thomas J. (1980). "Chronemics and the Verbal-Nonverbal Interface". In Key, Mary Ritchie. The Relationship of Verbal and Nonverbal Communication. Mouton Press. pp. 101–119. Retrieved 2015-10-07.
^ Jump up to: a b c Lewis, Nick (November 17, 2003). "Chronemics". Colorado State University. Archived from the original on 2005-02-15. Retrieved 2015-10-07.
Jump up ^ Joshua Keating (2012-03-16). "Why Time is a Social Construct | Science | Smithsonian". Smithsonianmag.com. Retrieved 2014-03-10.
Jump up ^ Martin, B.A.S., Gnoth, J., & Strong, C. (2009). Temporal construal in advertising: The moderating role of temporal orientation and attribute importance upon consumer evaluations, Journal of Advertising, 38 (3), 5-19.
Adler, ROBIN.B., Lawrence B.R., & Towne, N. (1995). Interplay (6th ed.). Fort Worth: Hardcourt Brace College.
Ballard, D & Seibold, D., Communication-related organizational structures and work group temporal differences: the effects of coordination method, technology type, and feedback cycle on members' construals and enactments of time. Communication Monographs, Vol. 71, No. 1, March 2004, pp. 1–27
Buller D.B., & Burgoon, J.K. (1996). Interpersonal deception theory. Communication Theory, 6, 203-242.
Buller, D.B., Burgoon, J.K., & Woodall, W.G. (1996). Nonverbal communications: The unspoken dialogue (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.
Burgoon, J.K., Stern, L.A., & Dillman, L. (1995). Interpersonal adaptation: Dyadic interaction patterns. Massachusetts: Cambridge University Press.
Capella, J. N. (1985). Controlling the floor in conversation. In A. Siegman and S. Feldstein (Eds.), Multichannel integrations of nonverbal behavior, (pp. 69–103). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum
Cohen, R. (2004). Negotiating across cultures: International communication in an interdependent world (rev. ed.). Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace.
Eddelman, R.J., and Iwawaki, S. (1987). Self-reported expression and the consequences of embarrassment in the United Kingdom and Japan. Psychologia, 30, 205-216
Griffin, E. (2000). A first look at communication theory (4th ed). Boston, MA: McGraw Hill.
Gonzalez, G., & Zimbardo, P. (1985). Time in perspective. Psychology Today Magazine, 20-26.
Guerrero, L.K., Devito J.A.,& Hecht M.L. (1999). The Nonverbal Communication Reader: Classic and contemporary readings (2nd ed.). Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, Inc.
Hall, E.T. & Hall, M. R. (1990). Understanding cultural differences: Germans, French, and Americans. Boston, MA: Intercultural Press.
Hall, J.A., & Kapp, M.L. (1992). Nonverbal communication in human interaction (3rd ed.). New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston, Inc.
Knapp, M. L. & Miller, G.R. (1985). Handbook of Interpersonal Communication. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.
Koester, J., & Lustig, M.W. (2003). Intercultural competence (4th ed.). New York: Pearson Education, Inc.
Patterson, M.L. (1990). Functions of non-verbal behavior in social interaction.
H. Giles & W.P. Robinson (Eds), Handbook of Language and Social Psychology, Chichester, G.B.: Wiley
West, R., & Turner, L. H. (2000). Introducing communication theory: Analysis and application. Mountain View, CA: Mayfield.
Wood, J. T. (1997). Communication theories in action: An introduction. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Further reading[edit]
Bluedorn, A.C. (2002). The human organization of time: Temporal realities and experience. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Cohen, R. (2004). Negotiating across cultures: International communication in an interdependent world (rev. ed.). Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace.
Griffin, E. (2000). A first look at communication theory (4th ed). Boston, MA: McGraw Hill.
Guerrero, L.K., Devito J.A.,& Hecht M.L. (1999). The Nonverbal Communication Reader: Classic and contemporary readings (2nd ed.). Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, Inc.
Hugg, A. (2002, February 4). Universal language. Retrieved May 10, 2007 from Website: http://www.nurseweek.com/news/features/02-02/language.asp[permanent dead link]
Osborne, H. (2006, January/February). In other words…actions can speak as clearly as words. Retrieved May 12, 2007 from Website: http://www.healthliteracy.com/article.asp?PageID=3763
Wessel, R. (2003, January 9). Is there time to slow down?. Retrieved May 10, 2007 from Website: http://www.csmonitor.com/2003/0109/p13s01-sten.html
External links[edit]
"Intercultural Skills Test". ICTAC. Archived from the original on March 18, 2012.
"Peace Corps, National Geographic Society Collaborate on Education Project". Peace Corps. Archived from the original on 2014-09-16.
"Lesson 1 for The Meaning of Time". Recognizing How Another Culture Differs From One's Own. The Washington File. Peace Corps. Jan 29, 2003. Archived from the original on February 28, 2013.
Hahn, Harley (Mar 27, 2005). "Time Sense: Polychronicity and Monochronicity".
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