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Mission San Diego de Alcalá
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"Mission San Diego" redirects here. For the San Diego Trolley station, see Mission San Diego station.
Mission San Diego de Alcalá
The church façade of Mission San Diego de Alcalá
Location in San Diego
Location
10818 San Diego Mission Rd.
San Diego, California 92108-2429
Coordinates
32°47′4″N 117°6′23″W / 32.78444°N 117.10639°W / 32.78444; -117.10639Coordinates: 32°47′4″N 117°6′23″W / 32.78444°N 117.10639°W / 32.78444; -117.10639
Name as founded
La Misión San Diego de Alcalá[1]
English translation
The Mission of Saint Didacus of Acalá[2]
Patron
Saint Didacus of Alcalá[1]
Nickname(s)
"Mother of the Alta California Missions"[3]
Founding date
July 16, 1769[4]
Founding priest(s)
Father Presidente Junípero Serra [5]
Built
1769
Architect
Fr. Jose Bernardo Sanchez
Founding Order
First[2]
Headquarters of the Alta California Mission System
1769–1771[6]
Military district
First[7][8]
Native tribe(s)
Spanish name(s)
Kumeyaay (Ipai / Tipai)[4]
Diegueño[4]
Native place name(s)
Kosoi, Nipawai[9]
Baptisms
6,522[10]
Confirmations
1,379[11]
Marriages
1,794[10]
Burials
4,322[10]
Neophyte population
1,455[10][12]
Secularized
1834[2]
Returned to the Church
1862[2]
Governing body
Roman Catholic Diocese of San Diego
Current use
Parish Church
U.S. National Register of Historic Places
Official name: San Diego Mission Church
Designated
April 15, 1970[13]
Reference no.
70000144[13]
U.S. National Historic Landmark
Designated
April 15, 1970[14]
California Historical Landmark
Reference no.
#242
San Diego Historic Landmark
Designated
October 6, 1976[15]
Reference no.
113
Website
http://missionsandiego.com
Mission Basilica San Diego de Alcalá was the first Franciscan mission in The Californias, a province of New Spain. Located in present-day San Diego, California, it was founded on July 16, 1769 by Spanish friar Junípero Serra in an area long inhabited by the Kumeyaay people. The mission and the surrounding area were named for the Catholic Didacus of Alcalá, a Spaniard more commonly known as San Diego. The mission was the site of the first Christian burial in Alta California. San Diego is also generally regarded as the site of the region's first public execution, in 1778. Father Luis Jayme, California's first Christian martyr, lies entombed beneath the chancel floor. The current church is the fifth to stand on this location.[16][17] The Mission is a National Historic Landmark.[14][18]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 Rancho period (1834–1849)
1.2 California statehood (1850–1900)
1.3 20th century and beyond (1901 – present)
2 Other historic designations
3 Mission industries
3.1 Wine
4 Mission bells
5 See also
6 Notes
7 References
8 External links
History[edit]
The former Spanish settlement at the Kumeyaay's Nipawai lies within that area occupied during the late Paleoindian period and continuing on into the present day by the Native society commonly known as the Diegueño;[19] the name denotes those people who were ministered by the padres at Mission San Diego de Alcalá.[20] Relatively, much is known about the native inhabitants in recent centuries, thanks in part to the efforts of the Spanish explorer Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo, who documented his observations of life in the coastal villages he encountered along the Southern California coast in October 1542.[21] Cabrillo, a Portuguese navigator in the service of Spain, is credited with the discovery of San Diego Bay. On the evening of September 28, 1542 the ships San Salvador and Victoria sailed into the harbor, whereupon Cabrillo christened it "San Miguel."[22] During that expedition a landing party went ashore and briefly interacted with a small group of natives. Some sixty years later another Spanish explorer, Sebastián Vizcaíno, made landfall some ten miles from the present Mission site. Under Vizcaíno's command the San Diego, Santo Tomás, and frigate Tres Reyes dropped anchor on November 10, 1602, and the port was renamed "San Diego de Alcalá."[23][24] It would be another 167 years before the Spanish returned to San Diego. Ever since the voyages of Christopher Columbus, the Kingdom of Spain sought to establish missions to convert the pagans in Nueva España ("New Spain") to Roman Catholicism to save souls, and in part, to facilitate colonization of these lands. However, it was not until 1741—the time of the Vitus Bering expedition, when the territorial ambitions of Tsarist Russia towards North America became known—that King Philip V felt such installations were necessary in Upper California.[25]
In 1769, Visitador General José de Gálvez sent the expedition of Junípero Serra and Gaspar de Portolà to found missions and presidios at San Diego and Monterey (see Timeline of the Portolà expedition), thereby securing Spain's claim to the Pacific Coast harbors recommended by Cabrillo and Vizcaino.[26] Two groups traveled from Lower California on foot, while a pair of packet ships (bearing supplies) traveled up the coast from the Baja California Peninsula.[27][28]
Rancho period (1834–1849)[edit]
On August 9, 1834 Governor Figueroa issued his "Decree of Confiscation."[29] The missions were offered for sale to citizens, who were unable to come up with the price, so all mission property was broken up into ranchos and given to ex-military officers who had fought in the War of Independence against Spain. On June 8, 1846 Mission San Diego de Alcalá was given to Santiago Argüello by Governor Pío Pico "...for services rendered to the government."[30] After the United States annexed California, the Mission was used by the military from 1846 to 1862.
Plaque of the Mission San Diego de Alcala
California statehood (1850–1900)[edit]
President Abraham Lincoln signed a proclamation on May 23, 1862 that restored ownership of the Mission proper to the Roman Catholic Church.[31][32] When Mission San Diego de Alcalá was granted back to the Church, it was in ruins. In the 1880s Father Anthony Ubach began to restore the old Mission buildings.
20th century and beyond (1901 – present)[edit]
Father Ubach died in 1907 and restoration work ceased until 1931. In 1941, the Mission once again became a parish church, in what is still an active parish serving the Diocese of San Diego. In 1976, Pope Paul VI designated the Mission church as a minor basilica.[18]
Mission San Diego de Alcalá is located within San Diego city limits, near the intersection of Interstate 8 and Interstate 15, and approximately one mile east of Qualcomm Stadium. The parish is partially funded by a gift shop, and self-guided tours of the grounds and buildings are available to the public for a small donation.
Other historic designations[edit]
California Historical Landmark #242
California Historical Landmark #784 – El Camino Real (starting point in Alta California)
City of San Diego Historic Designation #113
Mission industries[edit]
The cattle brand used at Mission San Diego.[33]
The goal of the missions was, above all, to become self-sufficient in relatively short order. Farming, therefore, was the most important industry of any mission. Prior to the establishment of the missions, the native peoples knew only how to utilize bone, seashells, stone, and wood for building, tool making, weapons, and so forth. The missionaries discovered that the Indians, who regarded labor as degrading to the masculine, had to be taught industry in order to learn how to be self-supportive. The result was the establishment of a great manual training school that comprised agriculture, the mechanical arts, and the raising and care of livestock. Everything consumed and otherwise utilized by the natives was produced at the missions under the supervision of the padres; thus, the neophytes not only supported themselves, but after 1811 sustained the entire military and civil government of California.[34] Wheat, corn, wine grapes, barley, beans, cattle, horses, and sheep were the major crops at San Diego. In 1795, construction on a system of aqueducts was begun to bring water to the fields and the Mission (the first irrigation project in Upper California).[35] The building manager was Fray Pedro Panto, who was poisoned by his Indian cook Nazario before the project was completed.[36] In his testimony, in the trial that followed, Nazario stated that he had poisoned the friar due to constant beatings inflicted by Friar Panto.[37]
The Mission San Diego was primarily supported from lands included in a Spanish royal land grant, encompassing roughly the eastern third of the current City of San Diego, as well as most of the cities of La Mesa and Lemon Grove. While not exact, its boundaries are roughly Interstate 805, Miramar Road, Route 125 (California), Skyline Drive and Division Street. Boundary Street (which parallels Interstate 805 in the neighborhood of North Park) lies directly on one portion of the boundary and draws its name from it.
Wine[edit]
See also: History of California wine
The first vinyards planted in California, were planted at the mission in 1769.[38] Father Junípero Serra planted these initial vines.[39] The vines were of the Mission variety, which were bright to Mexico in the 16th Century.[40] Unfortunately, the initial plantings did not survive, with Mission San Juan Capistrano having the first surviving plantings.[41] By at least 1781, wine was being produced at the mission.[42] One source claims that the vineyard on mission lands reached up to fifty thousand acres.[43] The mission vineyards were around until at least 1823.[44]
Mission bells[edit]
Bells were vitally important to daily life at any mission. The bells were rung at mealtimes, to call the Mission residents to work and to religious services, during births and funerals, to signal the approach of a ship or returning missionary, and at other times; novices were instructed in the intricate rituals associated with ringing the mission bells. This mission had five bells.
See also[edit]
San Diego County portal
Catholicism portal
Spanish missions in California
Santa Ysabel Asistencia
Presidio of San Diego
USNS Mission San Diego (AO-121) – a Mission Buenaventura Class fleet oiler built during World War II.
Union Station (San Diego)
Notes[edit]
Natives utilize a primitive plow to prepare a field for planting near Mission San Diego de Alcalá.
A painting of Mission San Diego de Alcalá as it appeared in 1848 depicts the original campanario ("bell tower"), before it was reduced to rubble. The painting also shows the enclosed front portico.
The "Alemany Plat" prepared by the U.S. Land Surveyor's Office to define the property restored to the Catholic Church by the Public Land Commission, later confirmed by presidential proclamation on May 23, 1862.[45]
President Abraham Lincoln's signature as it appeared on the United States Patent that restored the Mission property to the Catholic Church in 1862. This is one of the few documents that the President signed as "A. Lincoln" instead of his customary "Abraham Lincoln." [31]
Mission San Diego de Alcalá as it stood circa 1900. Note the missing Campanario, and the exposed church, which fell into disrepair.
Aerial view of the Mission, 2011
^ Jump up to: a b Leffingwell, p. 17
^ Jump up to: a b c d Krell, p. 71
Jump up ^ Young, p. 14
^ Jump up to: a b c Yenne, p. 24
Jump up ^ Ruscin, p. 196
Jump up ^ Yenne, p. 186
Jump up ^ Forbes, p. 202
Jump up ^ Engelhardt 1920, pp. v, 228 "The military district of San Diego embraced the Missions of San Diego, San Luis Rey, San Juan Capistrano, and San Gabriel..."
Jump up ^ Ruscin, p. 195
^ Jump up to: a b c d Krell, p. 315: as of December 31, 1832; information adapted from Engelhardt's Missions and Missionaries of California.
Jump up ^ Engelhardt 1920, pp. 300–301: as of December 31, 1832. An additional 426 confirmations were performed between January 1, 1833 and December 31, 1841.
Jump up ^ Engelhardt 1920, pp. 300–301. 1824 saw the greatest number of neophytes attached to the Mission (1,829), whereas the smallest recorded neophyte population was ninety seven neophyte. It was seen in 1774.
^ Jump up to: a b National Park Service (2010-07-09). "National Register Information System". National Register of Historic Places. National Park Service.
^ Jump up to: a b "San Diego Mission Church". National Historic Landmark summary listing. National Park Service. Retrieved 2009-08-24.
Jump up ^ "Historical Landmarks Designated by the San Diego Historical Resources Board" (PDF). City of San Diego.
Jump up ^ Snell, Charles (September 4, 1976). "San Diego Mission Church" (pdf). National Register of Historic Places – Inventory Nomination Form. National Park Service. Retrieved 22 May 2012.
Jump up ^ "San Diego Mission Church" (pdf). Photographs. National Park Service. Retrieved 22 May 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.missionsandiego.org/visit/history/questions-answers/
Jump up ^ Kroeber 1925, p. 883: Kroeber estimated that the native population in the immediate vicinity of San Diego was approximately 3,000 in 1770 (exclusive of those in Baja California).
Jump up ^ As with other Spanish names given to the indigenous tribes they encountered arthas, the appellation Diegueño does not necessarily identify a specific ethnic or tribal group.
Jump up ^ Yenne, p. 8
Jump up ^ Engelhardt 1920, p. 3: September 28 was the eve of the "Feast of the Archangel Saint Michael."
Jump up ^ Engelhardt 1920, pp. 6–9: November 10 was the eve of "St. Martin's Day".
Jump up ^ Davidson, p. 2: "Sebastian Vizcaino, entering November 11–12, 1602, first applied the name San Diego de Alcalá to this port."
Jump up ^ Morrison, p. 214
Jump up ^ Yenne, p. 10
Jump up ^ Engelhardt 1920, p. 9
Jump up ^ Yenne, p. 10: In January 1769 the San Carlos departed Baya de San Barnabé, followed a month later by the San Antonio, which sailed out of Cabo San Lucas. A third vessel, the San José, left New Spain later that spring but was lost at sea.
Jump up ^ Engelhardt 1922, p. 114
Jump up ^ Leffingwell, p. 19
^ Jump up to: a b Engelhardt 1920, p. 348
Jump up ^ Robinson, pp. 31–32: Patents for each mission were issued to Archbishop J.S. Alemany based on his claim filed with the Public Land Commission on February 19, 1853.
Jump up ^ Engelhardt 1920, p. 223. From the '"California Archives, State Papers, Missions, vol. vi, p. 180.
Jump up ^ Engelhardt 1922, p. 211
Jump up ^ Hall, William Hammond (1888). Irrigation in California (Southern): The Field, Water-supply, and Works, Organization and Operation in San Diego, San Bernardino, and Los Angeles Counties. California. Office of State Engineer. p. 85. Retrieved 14 July 2012.
Jump up ^ Smythe, William Ellsworth (1907). History of San Diego, 1542–1907: An Account of the Rise and Progress of the Pioneer Settlement on the Pacific Coast of the United States. History Company. p. 77. Retrieved 14 July 2012.
Jump up ^ McCormack, Brian T. (2007-01-01). "Conjugal Violence, Sex, Sin, and Murder in the Mission Communities of Alta California". Journal of the History of Sexuality. 16 (3): 391–415. doi:10.1353/sex.2007.0070. ISSN 1535-3605.
Jump up ^ Dailey, Keli (29 August 2012). "Winery guide: San Diego County, uncorked". San Diego Union-Tribune. Retrieved 19 September 2017. Never mind that the original Golden State vines broke ground at Mission San Diego de Alcalá in 1769 and became Father Junipero Serra’s Communion wine.
Richard Vine; Bruce Bordelon; Ellen M. Harkness; Theresa Browning (29 June 2013). Winemaking: From Grape Growing to Marketplace. Springer Science & Business Media. p. 10. ISBN 978-1-4757-2656-5.
Wycoff, Ann (23 September 2016). "The Ultimate San Diego Wine Guide". San Diego Magazine. Retrieved 21 September 2017.
Jump up ^ Jean L. Jacobson (14 June 2006). Introduction to Wine Laboratory Practices and Procedures. Springer Science & Business Media. p. 85. ISBN 978-0-387-25120-2.
Ian S Hornsey (9 October 2015). The Chemistry and Biology of Winemaking. Royal Society of Chemistry. p. 55. ISBN 978-1-78262-631-2.
LaMar, Jim (25 August 2002). "Mission". Professional Friends of Wine. Retrieved 21 September 2017. More than a century later, Franciscan monk Junipero Serra first planted the Mission variety in California, at Mission San Diego, in 1769.
Jump up ^ "Mission". Calwineries Inc. Retrieved 19 September 2017. Spanish Missionaries first brought the grape to Mexico during the 16th century. The vines that Father Juniper Serra planted at Mission San Diego in 1769 probably descended from these original grapes.
Jump up ^ Charles L. Sullivan (1 October 1998). A Companion to California Wine: An Encyclopedia of Wine and Winemaking from the Mission Period to the Present. University of California Press. p. 218. ISBN 978-0-520-92087-3.
Jump up ^ Dwight Furrow; Lynn Furrow (22 November 2014). San Diego Wine Country: A Tasting Guide. BookBaby. p. 91. ISBN 978-1-4835-4599-8.
Jump up ^ "The Winery". Social Studies Fact Cards. Toucan Valley Publications, Inc. Retrieved 19 September 2017. Several missions became known for their wine. Mission San Diego had 50,000 acres of land planted in grapevines.
Jump up ^ Lynne Newell Christenson; Ellen L. Sweet (2008). Ranchos of San Diego County. Arcadia Publishing. p. 9. ISBN 978-0-7385-5965-0.
Jump up ^ Engelhardt 1920, p. 346
References[edit]
Bancroft, Hubert Howe (1884–1880). History of California, vols. i–vii (1542–1890). The History Company, San Francisco, CA. Check date values in: |date= (help)
Chapman, Charles E. (1921). A History of California; The Spanish Period. The MacMillan Company, New York, NY.
Davidson, Winifred (January 1955). "San Diego in One Easy Lesson". The Journal of San Diego History. 1 (1): 2–3.
Engelhardt, Zephyrin, O.F.M. (1920). San Diego Mission. James H. Barry Company, San Francisco, CA. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Engelhardt, Zephyrin, O.F.M. (1922). San Juan Capistrano Mission. Standard Printing Co., Los Angeles, CA. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Forbes, Alexander (1839). California: A History of Upper and Lower California. Smith, Elder and Co., Cornhill, London.
Jones, Terry L. and Kathryn A. Klar (eds.) (2007). California Prehistory: Colonization, Culture, and Complexity. Altimira Press, Landham, MD. ISBN 0-7591-0872-2. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Krell, Dorothy (ed.) (1979). The California Missions: A Pictorial History. Sunset Publishing Corporation, Menlo Park, CA. ISBN 0-376-05172-8. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Leffingwell, Randy (2005). California Missions and Presidios: The History & Beauty of the Spanish Missions. Voyageur Press, Inc., Stillwater, MN. ISBN 0-89658-492-5.
Morrison, Hugh (1987). Early American Architecture: From the First Colonial Settlements to the National Period. Dover Publications, New York, NY. ISBN 0-486-25492-5.
Paddison, Joshua (ed.) (1999). A World Transformed: Firsthand Accounts of California Before the Gold Rush. Heyday Books, Berkeley, CA. ISBN 1-890771-13-9. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Robinson, W.W. (1948). Land in California. University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA.
Ruscin, Terry (1999). Mission Memoirs. Sunbelt Publications, San Diego, CA. ISBN 0-932653-30-8.
Stern, Jean & Gerald J. Miller (1995). Romance of the Bells: The California Missions in Art. The Irvine Museum, Irvine, CA. ISBN 0-9635468-5-6.
Yenne, Bill (2004). The Missions of California. Advantage Publishers Group, San Diego, CA. ISBN 1-59223-319-8.
Young, Stanley & Melba Levick (1988). The Missions of California. Chronicle Books LLC, San Francisco, CA. ISBN 0-8118-3694-0.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Mission San Diego de Alcalá.
Official Mission San Diego de Alcala website
"Sociopolitical Aspects of the 1775 Revolt at Mission San Diego de Alcalá: an Ethnohistorical Approach" by Richard L. Carrico
Spanish Wiki page with Fray Pedro Panto´s biography
Early photographs, sketches of Mission San Diego de Alcala, via Calisphere, California Digital Library
Early History of the California Coast, a National Park Service Discover Our Shared Heritage Travel Itinerary
Listing, photographs, and drawings at the Historic American Buildings Survey
Howser, Huell (December 8, 2000). "California Missions (101)". California Missions. Chapman University Huell Howser Archive.
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Behavioral modernity
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Upper Paleolithic (16,000-year-old) cave painting from Lascaux cave in France
The Paleolithic
↑ Pliocene (before Homo)
Lower Paleolithic
(c. 3.3 Ma – 300 ka)
Oldowan (2.6–1.7 Ma)
Madrasian Culture (1.5 Ma)
Soanian (0.5–0.13 Ma)
Acheulean (1.8–0.1 Ma)
Clactonian (0.3–0.2 Ma)
Middle Paleolithic
(300–45 ka)
Mousterian (150–40 ka)
Micoquien (130–70 ka)
Aterian (82 ka)
Upper Paleolithic
(50–10 ka)
Lincombian-Ranisian-Jerzmanowician (43 ka)
Châtelperronian (45–40 ka)
Aurignacian (43–26 ka)
Baradostian (36-18 ka)
Gravettian (33–24 ka)
Solutrean (22–17 ka)
Epigravettian (20-10 ka)
Magdalenian (17–12 ka)
Hamburg (14–11 ka)
Federmesser (14–13 ka)
Ahrensburg (13–12 ka)
Swiderian (11–8 ka)
↓ Mesolithic
↓ Stone Age
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Behavioral modernity is a suite of behavioral and cognitive traits that distinguishes current Homo sapiens from other anatomically modern humans, hominins, and primates. Although often debated, most scholars agree that modern human behavior can be characterized by abstract thinking, planning depth, symbolic behavior (e.g., art, ornamentation, music), exploitation of large game, and blade technology, among others.[1][2] Underlying these behaviors and technological innovations are cognitive and cultural foundations that have been documented experimentally and ethnographically. Some of these human universal patterns are cumulative cultural adaptation, social norms, language, and extensive help and cooperation beyond close kin.[3][4] It has been argued that the development of these modern behavioral traits, in combination with the climatic conditions of the Last Glacial Maximum, was largely responsible for the human replacement of Neanderthals and the peopling of the rest of the world.[2][5]
Arising from differences in the archaeological record, a debate continues as to whether anatomically modern humans were behaviorally modern as well. There are many theories on the evolution of behavioral modernity. These generally fall into two camps: gradualist and cognitive approaches. The Later Upper Paleolithic Model refers to the idea that modern human behavior arose through cognitive, genetic changes abruptly around 40,000–50,000 years ago.[6] Other models focus on how modern human behavior may have arisen through gradual steps; the archaeological signatures of such behavior only appearing through demographic or subsistence-based changes.[1][2][7][8][9]
Contents
[hide]
1 Definition
1.1 Critiques
2 Theories and models
2.1 Late Upper Paleolithic Model or "Revolution"
2.2 Alternative models
3 Archaeological evidence
3.1 Africa
3.2 Europe
3.3 Asia
4 See also
5 References
6 External links
Definition[edit]
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Modern humans
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Axis scale: millions of years ago.
Also see: Life timeline and Nature timeline
In order to classify what traits should be included in modern human behavior, it is necessary to define behaviors that are universal among living human groups. Some examples of these human universals are abstract thought, planning, trade, cooperative labor, body decoration, control and use of fire. Along with these traits, humans possess a heavy reliance on social learning.[10][11] This cumulative cultural change or cultural "ratchet" separates human culture from social learning in animals. As well, a reliance on social learning may be responsible in part for humans' rapid adaptation to many environments outside of Africa. Since cultural universals are found in all cultures including some of the most isolated indigenous groups, these traits must have evolved or have been invented in Africa prior to the exodus.[12][13][14][15]
Archaeologically a number of empirical traits have been used as indicators of modern human behavior. While these are often debated[16] a few are generally agreed upon. Archaeological evidence of behavioral modernity are:[2][6]
burial
fishing
figurative art (cave paintings, petroglyphs, dendroglyphs, figurines)
systematic use of pigment (such as ochre) and jewelry for decoration or self-ornamentation
Using bone material for tools
Transport of resources over long distances
Blade technology
Diversity, standardization, and regionally distinct artifacts
Hearths
Composite tools
Critiques[edit]
Several critiques have been placed against the traditional concept of behavioral modernity, both methodologically and philosophically.[2][16] Shea (2011) outlines a variety of problems with this concept, arguing instead for "behavioral variability", which, according to the author, better describes the archaeological record. The use of trait lists, according to Shea (2011), runs the risk of taphonomic bias, where some sites may yield more artifacts than others despite similar populations; as well, trait lists can be ambiguous in how behaviors may be empirically recognized in the archaeological record.[16] Shea (2011) in particular cautions that population pressure, cultural change, or optimality models, like those in human behavioral ecology, might better predict changes in tool types or subsistence strategies than a change from "archaic" to "modern" behavior.[16] Some researchers argue that a greater emphasis should be placed on identifying only those artifacts which are unquestionably, or purely, symbolic as a metric for modern human behavior.[2]
Theories and models[edit]
Late Upper Paleolithic Model or "Revolution"[edit]
The Late Upper Paleolithic Model, or Upper Paleolithic Revolution, refers to the idea that, though anatomically modern humans first appear around 150,000 years ago, they were not cognitively or behaviorally "modern" until around 50,000 years ago, leading to their expansion into Europe and Asia.[6][17][18] These authors note that traits used as a metric for behavioral modernity do not appear as a package until around 40–50,000 years ago. Klein (1995) specifically describes evidence of fishing, bone shaped as a tool, hearths, significant artifact diversity, and elaborate graves are all absent before this point.[6] Although assemblages before 50,000 years ago show some diversity the only distinctly modern tool assemblages appear in Europe at 48,000.[17] According to these authors, art only becomes common beyond this switching point, signifying a change from archaic to modern humans.[6] Most researchers argue that a neurological or genetic change, perhaps one enabling complex language, such as FOXP2, caused this revolutionary change in our species.[6][18]
Alternative models[edit]
Contrasted with this view of a spontaneous leap in cognition among ancient humans, some authors like Alison S. Brooks, primarily working in African archaeology, point to the gradual accumulation of "modern" behaviors, starting well before the 50,000 year benchmark of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution models.[1][2][19] Howiesons Poort, Blombos, and other South African archaeological sites, for example, show evidence of marine resource acquisition, trade, and abstract ornamentation at least by 80,000 years ago.[1][7] Given evidence from Africa and the Middle East, a variety of hypotheses have been put forth to describe an earlier, gradual transition from simple to more complex human behavior. Some authors have pushed back the appearance of fully modern behavior to around 80,000 years ago in order to incorporate the South African data.[19]
Others focus on the slow accumulation of different technologies and behaviors across time. These researchers[1][2] describe how anatomically modern humans could have been cognitively the same and what we define as behavioral modernity is just the result of thousands of years of cultural adaptation and learning. D'Errico and others have looked at Neanderthal culture rather than early human behavior for clues into behavioral modernity.[5] Noting that Neanderthal assemblages often portray traits similar to those listed for modern human behavior, researchers stress that the foundations for behavioral modernity may in fact lie deeper in our hominin ancestors.[20] If both modern humans and Neanderthals express abstract art and complex tools then "modern human behavior" cannot be a derived trait for our species. They argue that the original 'human revolution' theory reflects a profound Eurocentric bias. Recent archaeological evidence, they argue, proves that humans evolving in Africa some 300,000 or even 400,000 years ago were already becoming cognitively and behaviourally 'modern'. These features include blade and microlithic technology, bone tools, increased geographic range, specialized hunting, the use of aquatic resources, long distance trade, systematic processing and use of pigment, and art and decoration. These items do not occur suddenly together as predicted by the ‘‘human revolution’’ model, but at sites that are widely separated in space and time. This suggests a gradual assembling of the package of modern human behaviours in Africa, and its later export to other regions of the Old World.
Between these extremes is the view – currently supported by archaeologists Chris Henshilwood,[21] Curtis Marean,[22] Ian Watts[23] and others – that there was indeed some kind of 'human revolution' but that it occurred in Africa and spanned tens of thousands of years. The term 'revolution' in this context would mean not a sudden mutation but a historical development along the lines of 'the industrial revolution' or 'the Neolithic revolution'.[24] In other words, it was a relatively accelerated process, too rapid for ordinary Darwinian 'descent with modification' yet too gradual to be attributed to a single genetic or other sudden event. These archaeologists point in particular to the relatively explosive emergence of ochre crayons and shell necklaces apparently used for cosmetic purposes. These archaeologists see symbolic organisation of human social life as the key transition in modern human evolution. Recently discovered at sites such as Blombos Cave and Pinnacle Point, South Africa, pierced shells, pigments and other striking signs of personal ornamentation have been dated within a time-window of 70,000 – 160,000 years ago in the African Middle Stone Age, suggesting that the emergence of Homo sapiens coincided, after all, with the transition to modern cognition and behaviour.[25] While viewing the emergence of language as a 'revolutionary' development, this school of thought generally attributes it to cumulative social, cognitive and cultural evolutionary processes as opposed to a single genetic mutation.[26]
A further view, taken by archaeologists such as Francesco D'Errico[27] and João Zilhão,[28] is a multi-species perspective arguing that evidence for symbolic culture in the form of utilised pigments and pierced shells are also found in Neanderthal sites, independently of any 'modern' human influence.
Cultural evolutionary models may also shed light on why although evidence of behavioral modernity exists before 50,000 years ago it is not expressed consistently until that point. With small population sizes, human groups would have been affected by demographic and cultural evolutionary forces that may not have allowed for complex cultural traits.[8][9][10][11] According to some authors[8] until population density became significantly high, complex traits could not have been maintained effectively. It is worth noting that some genetic evidence supports a dramatic increase in population size before human migration out of Africa.[18] High local extinction rates within a population also can significantly decrease the amount of diversity in neutral cultural traits, regardless of cognitive ability.[9]
Highly speculatively, bicameral mind theory argues for an additional, and cultural rather than genetic, shift from selfless to self-perceiving forms of human cognition and behavior very late in human history, in the Bronze Age. This is based on a literary analysis of Bronze Age texts which claims to show the first appearances of the concept of self around this time, replacing the voices of gods as the primary form of recorded human cognition. This non-mainstream theory is not widely accepted but does receive serious academic interest from time to time.
Archaeological evidence[edit]
Africa[edit]
Before the Out of Africa theory was generally accepted, there was no consensus on where the human species evolved and, consequently, where modern human behavior arose. Now, however, African archaeology has become extremely important in discovering the origins of humanity. Since human expansion into Europe around 48,000 years ago is generally accepted as already "modern",[17] the question becomes whether behavioral modernity appeared in Africa well before 50,000 years ago, as a late Upper Paleolithic "revolution" which prompted migration out of Africa, or arose outside Africa and diffused back.
A variety of evidence of abstract imagery, widened subsistence strategies, and other "modern" behaviors have been discovered in Africa, especially South Africa. The Blombos Cave site in South Africa, for example, is famous for rectangular slabs of ochre engraved with geometric designs. Using multiple dating techniques, the site was confirmed to be around 77,000 years old.[29] Beads and other personal ornamentation have been found from Morocco which might be as old as 130,000 years old; as well, the Cave of Hearths in South Africa has yielded a number of beads significantly before 50,000 years ago.[1]
Expanding subsistence strategies beyond big-game hunting and the consequential diversity in tool types has been noted as signs of behavioral modernity. A number of South African sites have shown an early reliance on aquatic resources from fish to shellfish. Pinnacle Point, in particular, shows exploitation of marine resources as early as 120,000 years ago, perhaps in response to more arid conditions inland.[7] Establishing a reliance on predictable shellfish deposits, for example, could reduce mobility and facilitate complex social systems and symbolic behavior. Blombos Cave and Site 440 in Sudan both show evidence of fishing as well. Taphonomic change in fish skeletons from Blombos Cave have been interpreted as capture of live fish, clearly an intentional human behavior.[1]
Europe[edit]
While traditionally described as evidence for the later Upper Paleolithic Model,[6] European archaeology has shown that the issue is more complex. A variety of stone tool technologies are present at the time of human expansion into Europe and show evidence of modern behavior. Despite the problems of conflating specific tools with cultural groups, the Aurignacian tool complex, for example, is generally taken as a purely modern human signature.[30][31] The discovery of "transitional" complexes, like "proto-Aurignacian", have been taken as evidence of human groups progressing through "steps of innovation".[30] If, as this might suggest, human groups were already migrating into eastern Europe around 40,000 years and only afterward show evidence of behavioral modernity, then either the cognitive change must have diffused back into Africa or was already present before migration.
In light of a growing body of evidence of Neanderthal culture and tool complexes some researchers have put forth a "multiple species model" for behavioral modernity.[5][20][32] Neanderthals were often cited as being an evolutionary dead-end, apish cousins who were less advanced than their human contemporaries. Personal ornaments were relegated as trinkets or poor imitations compared to the cave art produced by H. sapiens. Despite this, European evidence has shown a variety of personal ornaments and artistic artifacts produced by Neanderthals; for example, the Neanderthal site of Grotte du Renne has produced grooved bear, wolf, and fox incisors, ochre and other symbolic artifacts.[32] Though burials are few and controversial, there has been circumstantial evidence of Neanderthal ritual burials.[20] There are two options to describe this symbolic behavior among Neanderthals: they copied cultural traits from arriving modern humans or they had their own cultural traditions comparative with behavioral modernity. If they just copied cultural traditions, which is debated by several authors,[5][20] they still possessed the capacity for complex culture described by behavioral modernity. As discussed above, if Neanderthals also were "behaviorally modern" then it cannot be a species-specific derived trait.
Asia[edit]
Most debates surrounding behavioral modernity have been focused on Africa or Europe but an increasing amount of focus has been placed on East Asia. This region offers a unique opportunity to test hypotheses of multi-regionalism, replacement, and demographic effects.[33] Unlike Europe, where initial migration occurred around 50,000 years ago, human remains have been dated in China to around 100,000 years ago.[34] This early evidence of human expansion calls into question behavioral modernity as an impetus for migration.
Stone tool technology is particularly of interest in East Asia. Following Homo erectus migrations out of Africa, Acheulean technology never seems to appear beyond present-day India and into China. Analogously, Mode 3, or Levallois technology, is not apparent in China following later hominin dispersals.[35] This lack of more advanced technology has been explained by serial founder effects and low population densities out of Africa.[36] Though tool complexes comparative to Europe are missing or fragmentary, other archaeological evidence shows behavioral modernity. For example, the peopling of the Japanese archipelago offers an opportunity to investigate the early use of watercraft. Though one site, Kanedori in Honshu, does suggest the use of watercraft as early as 84,000 years ago, there is no other evidence of hominins in Japan until 50,000 years ago.[33]
The Zhoukoudian cave system near Beijing has been excavated since the 1930s and has yielded precious data on early human behavior in East Asia. Though disputed, there is evidence of possible human burials and interred remains in the cave dated to around 34-20,000 years ago.[33] These remains have associated personal ornaments in the form of beads and worked shell, suggesting symbolic behavior. Along with possible burials, numerous other symbolic objects like punctured animal teeth and beads, some dyed in red ochre, have all been found at Zhoukoudian.[33] Though fragmentary, the archaeological record of eastern Asia shows evidence of behavioral modernity before 50,000 years ago but, like the African record, it is not fully apparent until that time.
See also[edit]
Archaic Homo sapiens
Blombos Cave
Cultural universal
Dawn of Humanity (2015 PBS film)
Evolution of human intelligence
Female cosmetic coalitions
FOXP2 and human evolution
Human evolution
Life timeline
List of Stone Age art
Nature timeline
Origin of language
Origins of society
Prehistoric art
Prehistoric music
Paleolithic religion
Recent African origin
Sibudu Cave
Sociocultural evolution
Symbolism (disambiguation)
Symbolic culture
Timeline of evolution
The Human Revolution (human origins)
References[edit]
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Jump up ^ Liu, Wu; et al. (2010). "Human remains from Zhirendong, South China, and modern human emergence in East Asia". PNAS. 107 (45): 19201–19206. doi:10.1073/pnas.1014386107. PMC 2984215  . PMID 20974952.
Jump up ^ Norton, Christopher; Bae, K. (2008). "The Movius Line sensu lato (Norton et al. 2006) further assessed and defined". Journal of Human Evolution. 55: 1148–1150. doi:10.1016/j.jhevol.2008.08.003.
Jump up ^ Lycett, Stephen; Norton, Christopher (2010). "A demographic model for Palaeolithic technological evolution: The case of East Asia and the Movius Line". Quaternary International. 211: 55–65. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2008.12.001.
External links[edit]
Steven Mithen (1999), The Prehistory of the Mind: The Cognitive Origins of Art, Religion and Science, Thames & Hudson, ISBN 978-0-500-28100-0.
Artifacts in Africa Suggest An Earlier Modern Human
Tools point to African origin for human behaviour
Key Human Traits Tied to Shellfish Remains, nytimes 2007/10/18
"Python Cave" Reveals Oldest Human Ritual, Scientists Suggest
Human Timeline (Interactive) – Smithsonian, National Museum of Natural History (August 2016).
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