text:
List of individuals executed in Florida
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The following is a list of individuals executed by the U.S. State of Florida since 1976.
The total amounts to 96 offenders.
List[edit]
No.
Executed person
Date of execution
Method
Victim(s)
Under Governor
1 John Arthur Spenkelink May 25, 1979 Electric chair Joseph J. Szymankiewicz Bob Graham
2 Robert Austin Sullivan[1] November 30, 1983 Donald Schmidt
3 Anthony Antone[1] January 26, 1984 Richard Cloud
4 Arthur Goode[1] April 5, 1984 Jason VerDow
5 James Adams[1] April 10, 1984 Edgar Brown
6 Carl Shriner[1] June 20, 1984 Judith Ann Carter
7 David Leroy Washington[1] July 13, 1984 Daniel Pridgen, Frank Meli, and Katrina Birk
8 Ernest John Dobbert, Jr.[1] September 7, 1984 Kelley Dobbert and Ryder Dobbert
9 James Dupree Henry[1] September 20, 1984 Zelie L. Riley
10 Timothy Charles Palmes[1] November 8, 1984 James Stone
11 James David Raulerson[1] January 30, 1985 Jacksonville, Florida Sheriff's Officer Mike Stewart
12 Johnny Paul Witt[1] March 4, 1985 Jonathan Kushner
13 Marvin Francois[1] May 29, 1985 Livingston Stocker, Henry Clayton, Randolph Holmes, Charles Stinson, Gilbert Williams, and Michael Miller
14 Daniel Morris Thomas[1] April 15, 1986 Charles Anderson
15 David Livingston Funchess[1] April 22, 1986 Anna Waldrop and Clayton Ragen
16 Ronald John Michael Straight[1] May 20, 1986 James Stone
17 Beauford White[1] August 28, 1987 Livingston Stocker, Henry Clayton, Randolph Holms, Charles Stinson, Gilbert Williams, and Michael Miller Bob Martinez
18 Willie Jasper Darden[1] March 15, 1988 James Turman
19 Jeffrey Josepth Daugherty[1] November 7, 1988 Lavonne Sailer, Betty Campbell, Carmen Abrams, and Elizabeth Shanks
20 Ted Bundy January 24, 1989 Kimberly Leach, Lisa Levy, Margaret Bowman, and others
21 Aubrey Dennis Adams, Jr.[1] May 4, 1989 Trisa Gail Thomley
22 Jesse Tafero May 4, 1990 FHP Trooper Phillip Black and OPP Constable Donald Irwin
23 Anthony Bertolotti[1] July 27, 1990 Carol Ward
24 James William Hamblen[1] September 21, 1990 Laureen Jean Edwards
25 Raymond Robert Clark[1] November 19, 1990 David Drake
26 Roy Allen Harich[1] April 24, 1991 Carlene Kelly Lawton Chiles
27 Bobby Marion Francis[1] June 25, 1991 Titus Walters
28 Nollie Lee Martin[1] May 12, 1992 Patricia Greenfield
29 Edward Dean Kennedy[1] July 21, 1992 Floyd Cone, Jr. and FHP Trooper Robert McDernon, Sr.
30 Robert Dale Henderson, Sr.[1] April 21, 1993 Murray Ferderber, Dorothy Wilkerson, Ivan Barnett, Marie Barnett, and Clifford Barnett
31 Larry Joe Johnson[1] May 5, 1993 James Hadden
32 Michael Alan Durocher[1] August 25, 1993 Joshua Durocher, Grace Reed, and Candice Reed
33 Roy Allen Stewart[1] April 22, 1994 Margaret Haizlip
34 Bernard Bolander[1] July 18, 1995 Rudolfi Ayan, Sr., Nico Hernandez, John Merino, and Scott Bennett
35 Jerry White December 4, 1995 James Melson
36 Philip Alexander Atkins[1] December 5, 1995 Antonio Castillo
37 John Earl Bush[1] October 21, 1996 Frances Julia Slater
38 John Mills, Jr.[1] December 6, 1996 Les Lawhon
39 Pedro Medina March 25, 1997 Dorothy James
40 Gerald Eugene Stano March 23, 1998 Cathy Lee Scharf
41 Leo Alexander Jones March 24, 1998 Jacksonville, Florida Sheriff's Officer Thomas Szarfranski
42 Judy Buenoano March 30, 1998 James Goodyear
43 Daniel Eugene Remeta[1][2] March 31, 1998 Mearle Reeder, Linda Marvin, Larry McFarland, and Glenn Moore
44 Allen Lee Davis July 8, 1999 Nancy Weiler, Kristina Weiler, and Katherine Weiler Jeb Bush
45 Terry Melvin Sims[1][3] February 23, 2000 Lethal injection Seminole County Sheriff's Office deputy George Pfeil
46 Anthony Braden Bryan[1][4] February 24, 2000 George Wilson
47 Bennie Eddie Demps[1][5] June 7, 2000 Alfred Sturgis, Celia Puhlick, and R.N. Brinkworth
48 Thomas Harrison Provenzano June 21, 2000 Deputy Sheriff William Wilkerson, Deputy Sheriff Harry Dalton (died in 1991), Corrections Officer Mark Parker (died in 2009)
49 Dan Patrick Hauser[1][6] August 25, 2000 Melanie Rodrigues
50 Edward Castro[1][7] December 7, 2000 Austin Carter Scott
51 Robert Dewey Glock, II[1][8] January 11, 2001 Sharilyn Ritchie
52 Rigoberto Sanchez-Velasco[1][9] October 2, 2002 Katixa Ecenarro
53 Aileen Carol Wuornos October 9, 2002 Richard Mallory, Dick Humphreys, Charles Carskaddon, Troy Burress, Peter Siems, Walter Jeno Antonio, and David Spears
54 Linroy Bottoson[1][10] December 9, 2002 Catherine Alexander
55 Amos Lee King, Jr.[1][11] February 26, 2003 Natalie Brady
56 Newton Carlton Slawson[1][12] May 16, 2003 Gerald Wood, Peggy Wood, Jennifer Wood, and Glendon Wood
57 Paul Jennings Hill September 3, 2003 John Bayard Britton and James Herman Barrett
58 Johnny Leartice Robinson February 4, 2004 Beverly St. George
59 John Richard Blackwelder May 26, 2004 Raymond D. Wigley
60 Glen James Ocha April 5, 2005 Carol Skjerva
61 Clarence Edward Hill September 20, 2006 Pensacola, Florida police officer Stephen Taylor
62 Arthur Dennis Rutherford[13][14] October 19, 2006 Stella Salamon
63 Danny Harold Rolling October 25, 2006 Sonja Larson, Christina Powell, Christa Hoyt, Manuel R. Taboada, and Tracy Inez Paules
64 Ángel Nieves Díaz December 13, 2006 Joseph Nagy
65 Mark Dean Schwab July 1, 2008 Junny Rios-Martinez, Jr. Charlie Crist
66 Richard Henyard September 23, 2008 Jamilya and Jasmine Lewis
67 Wayne Tompkins February 11, 2009 Lisa DeCarr
68 John Richard Marek August 19, 2009 Adella Marie Simmons
69 Martin Edward Grossman February 16, 2010 Wildlife Officer Margaret "Peggy" Park
70 Manuel Valle September 28, 2011 Police officer Louis Pena Rick Scott
71 Oba Chandler November 15, 2011 Joan Rogers, Michelle Rogers and Christe Rogers
72 Robert Brian Waterhouse February 15, 2012 Deborah Kammerer
73 David Alan Gore April 12, 2012 Lynn Elliot, Hsiang Huang Ling, Ying Hua Ling, Judy Kay Daley, Angelica LaVellee, and Barbara Ann Byer
74 Manuel Pardo, Jr. December 11, 2012 Mario Amador, Roberto Alfonso, Luis Robledo, Ulpiano Ledo, Michael Millot, Fara Quintero, Sara Musa, Ramon Alvero Cruz and Daisy Ricard
75 Larry Eugene Mann April 10, 2013 Elisa Vera Nelson
76 Elmer Leon Carroll May 29, 2013 Christine McGowan
77 William Edward Van Poyck June 12, 2013 Florida Department of Corrections officer Fred Griffis
78 John Errol Ferguson August 5, 2013 Brian Glenfeldt, Belinda Worley, Livingstone Stocker, Michael Miller, Henry Clayton, John Holmes, Gilbert Williams, and Charles Cesar Stinson
79 Marshall Lee Gore October 1, 2013 Robyn Novick (also killed Susan Roark but was executed for killing Novick)
80 William Frederick Happ October 15, 2013 Angela Crowley
81 Darius Mark Kimbrough November 12, 2013 Denise Collins
82 Thomas Knight (Askari Abdullah Muhammad) January 7, 2014 Sydney and Lillian Gans, Florida Department of Corrections officer Richard Burke
83 Juan Carlos Chavez February 12, 2014 Jimmy Ryce
84 Paul Augustus Howell February 26, 2014 Florida Highway Patrol Trooper Jimmy Fulford
85 Robert Lavern Henry March 20, 2014 Phyllis Harris and Janet Cox Thermidor
86 Robert Eugene Hendrix April 23, 2014 Elmer Bryant Scott Jr., Michelle Scott
87 John Ruthell Henry June 18, 2014 Suzanne Henry and Eugene Christian
88 Eddie Wayne Davis July 10, 2014 Kimberly Waters
89 Chadwick Dewellyn Banks November 13, 2014 Cassandra Banks and Melody Cooper
90 Johnny Shane Kormondy January 15, 2015 Gary McAdams
91 Jerry William Correll October 29, 2015 Susan Correll, Tuesday Correll, Mary Lou Hines, Marybeth Jones
92 Oscar Ray Bolin, Jr. January 7, 2016 Teri Lynn Matthews, Natalie Blanche Holley, Stephanie Collins
93 Mark James Asay[15] August 24, 2017 Robert Lee Booker and Robert McDowell
94 Michael Ray Lambrix October 5, 2017 Aleisha Bryant and Clarence Moore
95 Patrick Charles Hannon November 8, 2017 Brandon Snider and Robert Carter
96 Eric Scott Branch February 22, 2018 Susan Morris
See also[edit]
Capital punishment in Florida
Capital punishment in the United States
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as Florida Has Executed 56 Inmates Since 1979 - from Tampa Bay Online Archived 2007-09-27 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 102704. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on May 29, 2008.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 032827. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on November 14, 2007.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 102476. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on November 14, 2007.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 030970. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on May 29, 2008.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 538283. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on May 29, 2008.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 110488. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on May 29, 2008.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 093836. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on November 14, 2007.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 088795. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on November 14, 2007.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 078079. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on November 14, 2007.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 036275. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on November 14, 2007.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 119658. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on November 14, 2007.
Jump up ^ Inmate Release Information Detail - Inmate 105314. Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved on November 14, 2007.
Jump up ^ "US executes Australian widow's murderer". The Age. Melbourne. October 19, 2006.
Jump up ^ https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/authorities-man-executed-in-florida-with-help-of-drug-never-used-before-in-a-us-lethal-injection/2017/08/24/82faa446-891b-11e7-96a7-d178cf3524eb_story.html
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text:
Issues of the American Civil War
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Issues of the American Civil War include questions about the name of the war, the tariff, states' rights and the nature of Abraham Lincoln's war goals. For more on naming, see Naming the American Civil War.
The question of how important the tariff was in causing the war stems from the Nullification Crisis, which was South Carolina's attempt to nullify a tariff and lasted from 1828 to 1832. The tariff was low after 1846, and the tariff issue faded into the background by 1860 when secession began. States' rights was the justification for nullification and later secession. The most controversial right claimed by Southern states was the alleged right of Southerners to spread slavery into territories owned by the United States.
As to the question of the relation of Lincoln's war goals to causes,, goals evolved as the war progressed in response to political and military issues, and can't be used as a direct explanation of causes of the war. Lincoln needed to find an issue that would unite a large but divided North to save the Union, and then found that circumstances beyond his control made emancipation possible, which was in line with his "personal wish that all men everywhere could be free".[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 Slavery and Other Economic Issues
1.1 Regional economic differences
1.2 Tariffs
1.3 Free labor vs. pro-slavery arguments
2 States' rights issues
2.1 States' rights and slavery in the territories
2.2 States' rights and minority rights
3 Clarification of causes
4 Related issues
5 See also
6 Notes
7 Further reading
Slavery and Other Economic Issues[edit]
Abraham Lincoln
The deep economic institution of slavery was a major cause of the American Civil War. However, historians generally agree that other economic conflicts were not a major cause of the war. Economic historian Lee A. Craig reports, "In fact, numerous studies by economic historians the past several decades reveal that economic conflict was not an inherent condition of North-South relations during the antebellum era and did not cause the Civil War."[2] When numerous groups tried at the last minute in 1860–61 to find a compromise to avert war, they did not turn to economic policies.[3]
Regional economic differences[edit]
The South, Midwest and Northeast had quite different world structures. They traded with each other and each became more prosperous by staying in the Union, a point many businessmen made in 1860–61. However, Charles A. Beard in the 1920s made a highly influential argument to the effect that these differences caused the war (rather than slavery or constitutional debates). He saw the industrial Northeast forming a coalition with the agrarian Midwest against the Plantation South. Critics pointed out that his image of a unified Northeast was incorrect because the region was highly diverse with many different competing economic interests. In 1860–61, most business interests in the Northeast opposed war. After 1950, only a few mainstream historians accepted the Beard interpretation, though it was accepted by libertarian economists.[4] As Historian Kenneth Stamp—who abandoned Beardism after 1950, sums up the scholarly consensus:[5] "Most historians...now see no compelling reason why the divergent economies of the North and South should have led to disunion and civil war; rather, they find stronger practical reasons why the sections, whose economies neatly complemented one another, should have found it advantageous to remain united."[6]
Tariffs[edit]
The Southerners in Congress set the federal tariffs on imported goods, especially the low tariff rates in 1857; this led to resentment by Northern industrialists. Controversy over whether slavery was at the root of the tariff issue dates back at least as far as the Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858.[7] During the debate at Alton, Lincoln said that slavery was the root cause of the Nullification crisis over a tariff, while his challenger Stephen Douglas disagreed. John C. Calhoun, who led South Carolina's attempt to nullify a tariff, supported tariffs and internal improvements at first, but came to oppose them in the 1820s as sectional tensions between North and South grew along with the increasingly sectional nature of slavery. Calhoun was a plantation owner who helped develop the positive good theory of slavery.[8] Also, Calhoun said that slavery was the cause of the Nullification Crisis.[9] While most leaders of Southern secession in 1860 mentioned slavery as the cause, Robert Rhett was a free trade extremist who opposed the tariff. However, Rhett was also a slavery extremist who wanted the Constitution of the Confederacy to legalize the African Slave Trade.[10] Republicans also saw support for a Homestead Act, a higher tariff and a transcontinental railroad as a flank attack on the slave power.[11] There were enough Southern Senators in the U. S. Senate to keep the tariff low after 1846.[12] Even when the tariff was higher three decades before the war, only South Carolina revolted, and the issue was nullification, not secession. The tariff was much lower by 1861. When the Confederacy was formed it set a very high 15% tariff on all imports, including imports from the United States.
Free labor vs. pro-slavery arguments[edit]
Historian Eric Foner has argued that a free-labor ideology dominated thinking in the North, which emphasized economic opportunity. By contrast, Southerners described free labor as "greasy mechanics, filthy operators, small-fisted farmers, and moonstruck theorists".[13] They strongly opposed the homestead laws that were proposed to give free farms in the west, fearing the small farmers would oppose plantation slavery. Indeed, opposition to homestead laws was far more common in secessionist rhetoric than opposition to tariffs.[14]
States' rights issues[edit]
Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederacy
Questions such as whether the Union was older than the states or the other way around fueled the debate over states' rights. Whether the federal government was supposed to have substantial powers or whether it was merely a voluntary federation of sovereign states added to the controversy. According to historian Kenneth M. Stampp, each section used states' rights arguments when convenient, and shifted positions when convenient.[15]
Stampp mentioned Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens' A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States as an example of a Southern leader who said that slavery was the "cornerstone of the Confederacy" when the war began and then said that the war was not about slavery but states' rights after Southern defeat. Stampp said that Stephens became one of the most ardent defenders of the Lost Cause.[16]
The historian William C. Davis also mentioned inconsistencies in Southern states' rights arguments. He explained the Confederate Constitution's protection of slavery at the national level as follows:
To the old Union they had said that the Federal power had no authority to interfere with slavery issues in a state. To their new nation they would declare that the state had no power to interfere with a federal protection of slavery. Of all the many testimonials to the fact that slavery, and not states rights, really lay at the heart of their movement, this was the most eloquent of all.[17]
States' rights and slavery in the territories[edit]
The "States' rights" debate cut across the issues. Southerners argued that the federal government was strictly limited and could not abridge the rights of states as reserved in the Tenth Amendment, and so had no power to prevent slaves from being carried into new territories. States' rights advocates also cited the fugitive slave clause to demand federal jurisdiction over slaves who escaped into the North. Anti-slavery forces took reversed stances on these issues. The fugitive slave clause in the Constitution was the result of compromises between North and South when the Constitution was written. It was later strengthened by the fugitive slave law that was part of the Compromises of 1850. The Southern politician and states' rights advocate John C. Calhoun regarded the territories as the "common property" of sovereign states, and said that Congress was acting merely as the "joint agents" of the states.[18]
States' rights and minority rights[edit]
Frederick Douglass
States' rights theories were a response to the fact that the Northern population was growing much faster than the population of the South, which meant that it was only a matter of time before the North controlled the federal government. Southerners were acting as a "conscious minority", and hoped that a strict constructionist interpretation of the Constitution would limit federal power over the states, and that a defense of states' rights against federal encroachments or even nullification or secession would save the South.[19] Before 1860 most presidents were either Southern or pro-South. The North's growing population would mean the election of pro-North presidents, and the addition of free-soil states would end Southern parity with the North in the Senate. As the historian Allan Nevins described the Southern politician John C. Calhoun's theory of states' rights, "Governments, observed Calhoun, were formed to protect minorities, for majorities could take care of themselves".[20]
Jefferson Davis stated that a "disparaging discrimination" and a fight for "liberty" against "the tyranny of an unbridled majority" gave the Confederate states a right to secede.[21] In 1860, Congressman Laurence M. Keitt of South Carolina said, "The anti-slavery party contend that slavery is wrong in itself, and the Government is a consolidated national democracy. We of the South contend that slavery is right, and that this is a confederate Republic of sovereign States."[22]
The South's chosen leader, Jefferson Davis, defined equality in terms of the equal rights of states,[23] and opposed the declaration that all men are created equal.[24] The Constitution does include states' rights elements in that each state has the same number of Senators, and certain rights are reserved to the states or to the people. Southerners such as Davis interpreted these rights as a shield against a numerical majority of Northerners.
Clarification of causes[edit]
When the Civil War began, neither civil rights nor voting rights for blacks were stated as goals by the North. They became important afterward during Reconstruction. At first, though there was pressure to do so, not even the abolition of slavery was stated as a goal. While controversy over the morality of slavery could be contained, it was the issue of the expansion of slavery into the territories that made the conflict irrepressible.[25] Slavery was at the root of economic, moral and political differences[26] that led to control issues, states' rights and secession.
Slavery greatly increased the likelihood of secession[27] which in turn made war probable, irrespective of the North's stated war aims, which at first addressed strategic military concerns as opposed to ultimate political and Constitutional ones. Hostilities began as an attempt, from the Northern perspective, to defend the nation after it was attacked at Fort Sumter. Lincoln's war goals evolved as the war progressed. Lincoln mentioned the need for national unity in his March 1861 inaugural address after seven states had already declared their secession. At first Lincoln stressed the Union as a war goal to unite the War Democrats, border states and Republicans. In 1862 he added emancipation because it permanently removed the divisive issue of slavery that caused secession, an issue that Lincoln said was "somehow the cause of the war".[28] In his 1863 Gettysburg Address he added preserving democracy to emancipation and the Union as a war goal.
Related issues[edit]
Hinton Rowan Helper's book The Impending Crisis of the South, was banned in the South and publicized by Northern Republicans. Helper, a native of North Carolina, argued in his book that slavery was bad for the economic prospects of poor white Southerners.[29] Southern Courts refused to convict the owners of illegal slave ships such as the Echo and the Wanderer, even though hundreds of kidnapped Africans could die on a single voyage.[30] A significant number of Southern politicians attempted to legalize the African Slave Trade[31][32] and pass laws that would require every free black in the South to choose a master or mistress. Pro-slavery literature dominated the Southern media to the extent that famous Southern writers and poets didn't emerge until after the war.
Many people on both sides of the war (with exceptions including Robert E. Lee and William T. Sherman) thought that the war would be short at first. Nineteenth-century Americans didn't believe in peacetime armies, and the process of building armies was time consuming. War profiteers sold badly made equipment and rancid food at high prices when the war began.
Confederate guerrillas or bushwhackers such as William Quantrill, Bloody Bill Anderson, the Younger Brothers and Jesse and Frank James killed pro-Union civilians in Missouri and Lawrence, Kansas. There were also attacks on Southern civilians by pro-Union Jayhawkers.
The germ theory was rejected by the medical establishment until after the war, and a large number of soldier deaths were caused by this. Army surgeons used the same saw to amputate limbs of different soldiers without cleaning or sterilizing, and, although some anesthesia existed, it was rarely used, and many injured soldiers had to drink liquor or bite leather or a bullet during amputations.
The North had its share of problems with desertion, bounty jumpers, and the New York Draft Riot. The South had even greater problems with desertion especially during the last two years of the war.
The vagaries of 19th century law allowed some (including Union soldiers Daniel Sickles and Jefferson C. Davis and Southern secessionist William Yancey) to get away with murder, and required the execution of soldiers who fell asleep at their posts or for desertion. Lincoln pardoned many of the latter group of soldiers.
Jefferson C. Davis (not to be confused with Confederate President Jefferson Davis) was especially notorious. He shot fellow Union soldier William "Bull" Nelson during an argument, and later pulled up a bridge to keep emancipated slaves from following Sherman's army. Trapped ex-slaves were then killed by Confederate Wheeler's army, and others drowned trying to flee into Ebeneezer Creek.
Women who raised money for a sanitary fair needed the written permission of their husbands to send the money to Union hospitals. Any money a married woman had legally belonged to her husband.
There were many flag controversies. The original Confederate flag was the Stars and Bars, which looked similar to the Union Stars and Stripes and caused confusion on battle fields. The Stars and Bars was replaced with the Stainless Banner, which was mostly white, and was sometimes mistaken for a white flag of surrender when the wind was down. Near the end of the war, a red vertical bar was added to the right edge of the flag to show that the South would never surrender, although this flag was quickly followed by Appomattox and Confederate defeat. The Confederacy had other flags as well, including the Bonnie Blue Flag. The Confederate Battle Flag was originally the flag of the Army of Northern Virginia, and was square.
Modern Confederate flag controversies include the Confederate Battle Flag design that was added to the Georgia state flag as a protest against civil rights for blacks. Decades later, Georgia flaggers claimed that the Confederate Battle Flag design was a symbol of Southern heritage, although others saw it as a symbol of the Klan and slavery. The flag was redesigned by governor Barnes and redesigned again with the Stars and Bars replacing the Confederate Battle Flag on the Georgia state flag. South Carolina had a Confederate Battle Flag next to the state capital, which stirred controversy that local newspapers referred to as the "flag flap." Mississippi residents voted to keep the controversial Confederate Battle Flag as part of the Mississippi state flag.
See also[edit]
American Civil War
Origins of the American Civil War
Slavery in the United States
Timeline of events leading to the American Civil War
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Lincoln's Letter to Horace Greeley, August 22, 1862.
Jump up ^ Craig in Woodworth, ed. The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research (1996), p. 505
Jump up ^ Donald 2001 pp 134-38
Jump up ^ Woolworth, ed. The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research (1996), 145 151 505 512 554 557 684; Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Harrington (1969); for one dissenter see Marc Signal. "The Beards Were Right: Parties in the North, 1840–1860". Civil War History 47, no. 1. (2001): 30-56.
Jump up ^ Kenneth M. Stamp (1981). The Imperiled Union: Essays on the Background of the Civil War. p. 198.
Jump up ^ Also from Kenneth M. Stamp. The Imperiled Union. p. 198. Most historians...now see no compelling reason why the divergent economies of the North and South should have led to disunion and civil war; rather, they find stronger practical reasons why the sections, whose economies neatly complemented one another, should have found it advantageous to remain united. Beard oversimplified the controversies relating to federal economic policy, for neither section unanimously supported or opposed measures such as the protective tariff, appropriations for internal improvements, or the creation of a national banking system.... During the 1850s, Federal economic policy gave no substantial cause for southern disaffection, for policy was largely determined by pro-Southern Congresses and administrations. Finally, the characteristic posture of the conservative northeastern business community was far from anti-Southern. Most merchants, bankers, and manufacturers were outspoken in their hostility to antislavery agitation and eager for sectional compromise in order to maintain their profitable business connections with the South. The conclusion seems inescapable that if economic differences, real though they were, had been all that troubled relations between North and South, there would be no substantial basis for the idea of an irrepressible conflict.
Jump up ^ Lincoln-Douglas debate at Alton, October 15, 1858
Jump up ^ James McPherson, The War of Southern Aggression
Jump up ^ As early as 1830, in the midst of the Nullification Crisis, Calhoun identified the right to own slaves as the chief southern minority right being threatened. As Calhoun said: "I consider the tariff act as the occasion, rather than the real cause of the present unhappy state of things. The truth can no longer be disguised, that the peculiar domestick [sic] institution of the Southern States and the consequent direction which that and her soil have given to her industry, has placed them in regard to taxation and appropriations in opposite relation to the majority of the Union, against the danger of which, if there be no protective power in the reserved rights of the states they must in the end be forced to rebel, or, submit to have their paramount interests sacrificed, their domestic institutions subordinated by Colonization and other schemes, and themselves and children reduced to wretchedness." - Ellis, Richard E. The Union at Risk: Jacksonian Democracy, States' Rights, and the Nullification Crisis (1987), page 193; Freehling, William W. Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Crisis in South Carolina 1816–1836. (1965), page 257 - Ellis further notes that "Calhoun and the nullifiers were not the first southerners to link slavery with states' rights. At various points in their careers, John Taylor, John Randolph, and Nathaniel Macon had warned that giving too much power to the federal government, especially on such an open-ended issue as internal improvement, could ultimately provide it with the power to emancipate slaves against their owners' wishes."
Jump up ^ William C. Davis, Look Away!, page 67
Jump up ^ James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, page 225
Jump up ^ Allan Nevins, Ordeal of the Union: A House Dividing - 1852–1857, pages 267–269
Jump up ^ James McPherson, Antebellum Southern Exceptionalism: A New Look at an Old Question Civil War History - Volume 50, Number 4, December 2004, page 421
Jump up ^ Richard Hofstadter, "The Tariff Issue on the Eve of the Civil War", The American Historical Review Vol. 44, No. 1 (1938), pp. 50-55 full text in JSTOR
Jump up ^ Stampp, The Causes of the Civil War, page 59
Jump up ^ Stampp, The Causes of the Civil War, pages 63–65
Jump up ^ William C. Davis, Look Away, pages 97–98
Jump up ^ McPherson, Battle Cry, page 57
Jump up ^ Kenneth M. Stampp, The Causes of the Civil War, page 14
Jump up ^ Nevins, Ordeal of the Union: Fruits of Manifest Destiny 1847–1852, page 155
Jump up ^ Jefferson Davis' Second Inaugural Address, Virginia Capitol, Richmond, February 22, 1862 Transcribed from Dunbar Rowland, ed., Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist, Volume 5, pp. 198–203. Summarized in The Papers of Jefferson Davis, Volume 8, p. 55.
Jump up ^ Lawrence Keitt, Congressman from South Carolina, in a speech to the House on January 25, 1860: Congressional Globe.
Jump up ^ When arguing for the equality of states, Jefferson Davis said, "Who has been in advance of him in the fiery charge on the rights of the States, and in assuming to the Federal Government the power to crush and to coerce them? Even to-day he has repeated his doctrines. He tells us this is a Government which we will learn is not merely a Government of the States, but a Government of each individual of the people of the United States". - Jefferson Davis' reply in the Senate to William H. Seward, Senate Chamber, U.S. Capitol, February 29, 1860, From The Papers of Jefferson Davis, Volume 6, pp. 277-84. Transcribed from the Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 916–18.
Jump up ^ When arguing against equality of individuals, Davis said, "We recognize the fact of the inferiority stamped upon that race of men by the Creator, and from the cradle to the grave, our Government, as a civil institution, marks that inferiority". - Jefferson Davis' reply in the Senate to William H. Seward, Senate Chamber, U.S. Capitol, February 29, 1860, - From The Papers of Jefferson Davis, Volume 6, pp. 277-84. Transcribed from the Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 916–18.
Jump up ^ McPherson, James M., Battle Cry, page 41
Jump up ^ Kenneth M. Stampp, America in 1857: A Nation on the Brink (Oxford University Press, 1990), pages 110–113
Jump up ^ James Ford Rhodes, Lectures on the American Civil War, pages 2–16 and 76–77
Jump up ^ Abraham Lincoln, Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865
Jump up ^ David Potter, The Impending Crisis, pages 386-388
Jump up ^ Allan Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln, vol. 1, pages 434-437
Jump up ^ Allan Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln, vol. 2, pages 33-37
Jump up ^ William W. Freehling, The Road to Disunion: Secessionists at Bay 1776–1854, page 22
Further reading[edit]
Main article: Bibliography of the American Civil War
Foner, Eric et al. "Talking Civil War History: A Conversation with Eric Foner and James McPherson," Australasian Journal of American Studies (2011) 30#2 pp. 1–32 in JSTOR
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After You've Gone (song)
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"After You've Gone"
Sheet music cover (1918)
Song
Published
1918
Songwriter(s)
Composer: Turner Layton
Lyricist: Henry Creamer
After You've Gone
Instrumental performance by musicians from the U.S. Coast Guard Band
Problems playing this file? See media help.
"After You've Gone" is a 1918 popular song composed by Turner Layton with lyrics by Henry Creamer. It was recorded by Marion Harris on July 22, 1918, and released by Victor Records.[1] The chorus adheres to a standard ABAC pattern, but is only 20 measures long. There are four 4-bar phrases, followed by a 4 measure tag. The song is harmonically active, with chord changes almost every measure. The opening four notes are identical to the opening notes of Peg o' My Heart (1912)—at the time songwriters often borrowed the first few notes of a hit melody. [2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Notable recordings
2 See also
3 References
4 External links
Notable recordings[edit]
Marion Harris (1918)
Henry Burr & Albert Campbell (1918)[3]
Billy Murray and Gladys Rice[3]
Sophie Tucker (1927)[3]
Bessie Smith (1927)[3]
Ruth Etting (1927)
Bessie Smith (1928)
Louis Armstrong (1929)
Bing Crosby with Paul Whiteman and His Orchestra (1929).[4] Crosby recorded it again on January 16, 1946[5] and a later recording was featured on his album Some Fine Old Chestnuts (1953).
Red Nichols and His Five Pennies, with Jack Teagarden (vocal), Glenn Miller, Jimmy Dorsey and Gene Krupa (1930)
Fats Waller (1930)
Eddie Lang-Joe Venuti, with Jack Teagarden (vocal) and Benny Goodman (1931)
Benny Goodman (1935)[3]
Coleman Hawkins (1935)
Judy Garland (1936, 1942, 1961 on Judy at Carnegie Hall)
Django Reinhardt/Stephane Grappelli (1936, 1949)
Lionel Hampton (1937)[3]
Quintette du Hot Club de France (1937)[3]
Sidney Bechet (1943)
Al Jolson (1949)[6]
Art Tatum (1953)
Turk Murphy (1953)
Frankie Laine (1953)[7]
Cal Tjader (1954)
Jack Teagarden (1956, 1961)
Eydie Gorme (1957) (for her album Eydie Swings the Blues)[8]
Dinah Washington (1958) (for her album Dinah Sings Bessie Smith)
Johnny Hartman (1959)
Joni James (1959) (for her album Joni Sings Sweet)[9]
Tony Bennett (1960) (for his album Alone Together)
Helen Shapiro (1961) (for her EP Helen)[10]
Louis Prima (1961) (for the album Return of the Wildest)[11]
Brook Benton (1962) (for his album there Goes That Song Again)[12]
Ella Fitzgerald – Rhythm Is My Business (1962)
Leslie Uggams
Rita Reys (1963)
Alice Babs (1963)
Peggy Lee (1964) (for her album In the Name of Love)[13]
Bobby Darin (1965) (for his album Bobby Darin Sings The Shadow of Your Smile)
Judith Durham (1973) on Judith Durham and The Hottest Band in Town
Nina Simone (1974)
Anita O'Day (1975) (for the album My Ship)
Max Bygraves (1978) (for the album LingaLongaMax)[14]
Leland Palmer, Ann Reinking and Erzsebet Foldi – All That Jazz Soundtrack (1979)
Frank Sinatra – L.A. Is My Lady (1984)
Jeremy Taylor, Simon Rattle, London Sinfonietta
Charly Antolini & Dick Morrissey (1989)
Livin' Blues (1989)
Mel Tormé & Cleo Laine - Nothing Without You (1991)
Chet Atkins & Suzy Bogguss (1994)
Phil Collins live at Montreux Jazz Festival (1996)
Anthony Braxton 23 standards [quartet] 2003
Anne Murray (2004) (for her album I'll Be Seeing You)
Loudon Wainwright III – The Aviator Soundtrack (2004)
James Gelfand – Jack Paradise (Les nuits de Montréal) Soundtrack (2004)
Bireli Lagrene (2006)
Rufus Wainwright & Lorna Luft – Rufus Does Judy at Carnegie Hall (2007)
Jamie Cullum (2007)
Cécile McLorin Salvant & the Jean-François Bonnel Paris Quintet – Cécile (2010)
Hugh Laurie / Dr. John (2011)
Jessy Carolina - BioShock Infinite soundtrack (2013)
Fiona Apple
Salvador Sobral, on his album Excuse Me (2016)
See also[edit]
List of pre-1920 jazz standards
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "THE ONLINE DISCOGRAPHICAL PROJECT". THE ONLINE DISCOGRAPHICAL PROJECT. Retrieved April 29, 2017.
Jump up ^ "The American Song Book: The Tin Pan Alley Era," Phillip Furia and Laurie Patterson page number not shown in link
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g Whitburn, Joel (1986). Joel Whitburn's Pop Memories 1890-1954. Wisconsin, USA: Record Research Inc. p. 467. ISBN 0-89820-083-0.
Jump up ^ "A Bing Crosby Discography". BING magazine. International Club Crosby. Retrieved April 26, 2017.
Jump up ^ "A Bing Crosby Discography". BING magazine. International Club Crosby. Retrieved April 24, 2017.
Jump up ^ "45worlds.com". 45worlds.com. Retrieved April 29, 2017.
Jump up ^ "45worlds.com". 45worlds.com. Retrieved April 29, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Discogs.com". Discogs.com. Retrieved April 29, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Discogs.com". Discogs.com. Retrieved April 29, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Discogs.com". Discogs.com. Retrieved April 29, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Discogs.com". Discogs.com. Retrieved April 29, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Discogs.com". Discogs.com. Retrieved April 29, 2017.
Jump up ^ "allmusic.com". allmusic.com. Retrieved April 29, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Discogs.com". Discogs.com. Retrieved April 29, 2017.
External links[edit]
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
After You've Gone
"After You've Gone by Marion Harris, the original 1918 version at the Internet Archive
"After You've Gone" by Jelly Roll Morton at the Internet Archive
"After You've Gone" by Roy Eldridge Orchestra (1937) at the Internet Archive
free-scores.com
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=After_You%27ve_Gone_(song)&oldid=836566789"
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Songs written by Turner Layton
Songs with lyrics by Henry Creamer
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The Muppets songs
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Jazz compositions in B-flat major
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This page was last edited on 15 April 2018, at 15:38.
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