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French Revolution
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For other uses, see French Revolution (disambiguation).
French Revolution
The Storming of the Bastille, 14 July 1789
Date
5 May 1789 – 9 November 1799 (1789-05-05 – 1799-11-09)
(10 years, 6 months and 4 days)
Location
Kingdom of France
Outcome
Abolition of the French monarchy
Establishment of a secular and democratic republic that became increasingly authoritarian and militaristic
Radical social change based on liberalism and other Enlightenment principles
Rise of Napoleon Bonaparte
Armed conflicts with other European countries
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The French Revolution (French: Révolution française [ʁevɔlysjɔ̃ fʁɑ̃sɛːz]) was a period of far-reaching social and political upheaval in France and its colonies that lasted from 1789 until 1799. It was partially carried forward by Napoleon during the later expansion of the French Empire. The Revolution overthrew the monarchy, established a republic, catalyzed violent periods of political turmoil, and finally culminated in a dictatorship under Napoleon who brought many of its principles to areas he conquered in Western Europe and beyond. Inspired by liberal and radical ideas, the Revolution profoundly altered the course of modern history, triggering the global decline of absolute monarchies while replacing them with republics and liberal democracies.[1] Through the Revolutionary Wars, it unleashed a wave of global conflicts that extended from the Caribbean to the Middle East. Historians widely regard the Revolution as one of the most important events in human history.[2][3][4]
The causes of the French Revolution are complex and are still debated among historians. Following the Seven Years' War and the American Revolution,[5] the French government was deeply in debt. It attempted to restore its financial status through unpopular taxation schemes, which were heavily regressive. Leading up to the Revolution, years of bad harvests worsened by deregulation of the grain industry also inflamed popular resentment of the privileges enjoyed by the aristocracy and the Catholic clergy of the established church. Demands for change were formulated in terms of Enlightenment ideals and contributed to the convocation of the Estates General in May 1789. During the first year of the Revolution, members of the Third Estate (commoners) took control, the Bastille was attacked in July, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen was passed in August, and a women's march on Versailles that forced the royal court back to Paris in October. A central event of the first stage, in August 1789, was the abolition of feudalism and the old rules and privileges left over from the Ancien Régime.
The next few years featured political struggles between various liberal assemblies and right-wing supporters of the monarchy intent on thwarting major reforms. The Republic was proclaimed in September 1792 after the French victory at Valmy. In a momentous event that led to international condemnation, Louis XVI was executed in January 1793.
External threats closely shaped the course of the Revolution. The Revolutionary Wars beginning in 1792 ultimately featured French victories that facilitated the conquest of the Italian Peninsula, the Low Countries and most territories west of the Rhine – achievements that had eluded previous French governments for centuries. Internally, popular agitation radicalised the Revolution significantly, culminating in the rise of Maximilien Robespierre and the Jacobins. The dictatorship imposed by the Committee of Public Safety during the Reign of Terror, from 1793 until 1794, established price controls on food and other items, abolished slavery in French colonies abroad, de-established the Catholic church (dechristianised society) and created a secular Republican calendar, religious leaders were expelled, and the borders of the new republic were secured from its enemies. Large numbers of civilians were executed by revolutionary tribunals during the Terror, with estimates ranging from 16,000 to 40,000, ranging from aristocrats to "suspected" enemies of the revolution.[6]
After the Thermidorian Reaction, an executive council known as the Directory assumed control of the French state in 1795. They suspended elections, repudiated debt - resulting in financial instability, persecuted the Catholic clergy, and made significant military conquests abroad.[7] Dogged by charges of corruption, the Directory collapsed in a coup led by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1799. Napoleon, who became the hero of the Revolution through his popular military campaigns, established the Consulate and later the First Empire, setting the stage for a wider array of global conflicts in the Napoleonic Wars.
The modern era has unfolded in the shadow of the French Revolution. Almost all future revolutionary movements looked back to the Revolution as their predecessor.[8] Its central phrases and cultural symbols, such as La Marseillaise and Liberté, fraternité, égalité, ou la mort, became the clarion call for other major upheavals in modern history, including the Russian Revolution over a century later.[9]
The values and institutions of the Revolution dominate French politics to this day. The Revolution resulted in the suppression of the feudal system, emancipation of the individual, a greater division of landed property, abolition of the privileges of noble birth, and nominal establishment of equality among men. The French Revolution differed from other revolutions in being not only national, for it intended to benefit all humanity.[10]
Globally, the Revolution accelerated the rise of republics and democracies. It became the focal point for the development of all modern political ideologies, leading to the spread of liberalism, radicalism, nationalism, and secularism, among many others. The Revolution also witnessed the birth of total war by organising the resources of France and the lives of its citizens towards the objective of military conquest.[11] Some of its central documents, such as the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, continued to inspire movements for abolitionism and universal suffrage in the next century.[12]
Contents
[hide]
1 Causes
2 Ancien Régime
2.1 Financial crisis
2.2 Estates-General of 1789
2.3 National Assembly (1789)
3 Constitutional Monarchy
3.1 National Constituent Assembly (July 1789 – September 1791)
3.1.1 Storming of the Bastille
3.1.2 Abolition of feudalism
3.1.3 Declaration of the Rights of Man
3.1.4 Writing the first constitution
3.1.5 Women's March on Versailles
3.1.6 Revolution and the Church
3.1.7 Intrigues and radicalism
3.1.8 Royal flight to Varennes
3.1.9 Completing the constitution
3.2 Legislative Assembly (Oct.1791–Sept.1792)
3.2.1 Failure of the constitutional monarchy
3.2.2 Constitutional crisis
4 French Revolutionary Wars and Napoleonic Wars
4.1 Colonial uprisings
5 First Republic
5.1 National Convention (Sept.1792–95)
5.1.1 Execution of Louis XVI
5.1.2 Economy
5.1.3 Reign of Terror
5.1.4 Internal and external wars
5.1.5 Girondins expelled
5.1.6 Abounding civil war
5.1.7 Suppressing and retaliating the revolts
5.1.8 Profuse executions
5.1.9 Guillotining politicians
5.1.10 Disregarding the lower classes
5.2 The Directory (1795–99)
5.2.1 Evaluation
5.2.2 Coups d'état
5.2.3 Exporting the Revolution
6 Media and symbolism
6.1 Newspapers
6.2 Symbolism
6.3 La Marseillaise
6.4 Guillotine
6.5 Tricolore cockade
6.6 Fasces
6.7 Liberty cap
7 Role of women
7.1 Prominent women
7.2 Counter-revolutionary women
8 Economic policies
9 Long-term impact
9.1 France
9.1.1 Religion and charity
9.1.2 Economics
9.1.3 Constitutionalism
9.2 Communism
9.3 Outside France
9.3.1 Britain
9.3.2 Germany
9.3.3 Switzerland
9.3.4 Belgium
9.3.5 Scandinavia
9.4 United States
10 Historiography
11 See also
11.1 Political groups during the French Revolution
12 Notes
13 References
14 Further reading
14.1 Surveys and reference
14.2 European and Atlantic History
14.3 Politics and wars
14.4 Economy and society
14.4.1 Women
14.5 Historiography and memory
14.6 Primary sources
15 External links
Causes
Main article: Causes of the French Revolution
The French government faced fiscal crises in the 1780s, and King Louis XVI was blamed for mishandling these affairs.
Historians have pointed to many events and factors within the Ancien Régime that led to the Revolution. Rising social and economic inequality,[13][14] new political ideas emerging from the Enlightenment,[15] economic mismanagement, environmental factors leading to agricultural failure, unmanageable national debt,[16] and political mismanagement on the part of King Louis XVI have all been cited as laying the groundwork for the Revolution.[17][18][19][20]
Over the course of the 18th century, there emerged what the philosopher Jürgen Habermas called the idea of the "public sphere" in France and elsewhere in Europe.[21] Habermas argued that the dominant cultural model in 17th century France was a "representational" culture, which was based on a one-sided need to "represent" power with one side active and the other passive.[21] A perfect example would be the Palace of Versailles, which was meant to overwhelm the senses of the visitor and convince one of the greatness of the French state and Louis XIV.[21] Starting in the early 18th century the "public sphere" was "critical" in that both sides were active.[22] Examples of the public sphere included newspapers, journals, masonic lodges, coffee houses and reading clubs where people either in person or virtually via the printed word debated and discussed issues.[23] In France, the emergence of the public sphere outside of the control of the state led to the shift from Versailles to Paris as the cultural capital of France.[23] Likewise, while in the 17th century the court had decided what was culturally good and what was not, in the 18th century the opinion of the court mattered less and consumers became the arbiters of cultural taste.[24] In the 1750s, during the "Querelle des Bouffons" over the question of the quality of Italian vs. French music, the partisans of both sides appealed to the French public "because it alone has the right to decide whether a work will be preserved for posterity or will be used by grocers as wrapping-paper".[25] In 1782, Louis-Sébastien Mercier wrote: "The word court no longer inspires awe amongst us as in the time of Louis XIV. Reigning opinions are no longer received from the court; it no longer decides on reputations of any sort ... The court's judgments are countermanded; one says openly that it understands nothing; it has no ideas on the subject and could have none."[26] Inevitably, the belief that public opinion had the right to decide cultural questions instead of deferring to the court transformed itself into the demand that the public also have a say on political questions as well.[27]
The economy in the Ancien Régime during the years preceding the Revolution suffered from instability. The sequence of events leading to the Revolution included the national government's fiscal troubles caused by an inefficient tax system and expenditure on numerous large wars.[16] The attempt to challenge British naval and commercial power in the Seven Years' War was a costly disaster, with the loss of France's colonial possessions in continental North America and the destruction of the French Navy.[28] French forces were rebuilt, and feeling bitter about having lost many of France's overseas colonies to the British Empire during the Seven Years' War, Louis XVI was eager to give the American rebels financial and military support. After the British surrender at the Battle of Saratoga, the French sent 10,000 troops and millions of dollars to the rebels. Despite succeeding in gaining independence for the Thirteen Colonies, France was severely indebted by the American Revolutionary War.[citation needed] France's inefficient and antiquated financial system could not finance this debt.[29] Faced with a financial crisis, the king called an Estates General, recommended by the Assembly of Notables in 1787 for the first time in over a century.[30]
France was experiencing such a severe economic depression that there wasn't enough food to go around. Poor harvests lasting several years and an inadequate transportation system both contributed to making food more expensive.[31][32] As with most monarchies, the upper class was always insured a stable living, so while the rich remained very wealthy, the majority of the French population was starving. Many were so destitute that they couldn't even feed their families and resorted to theft or prostitution to stay alive. Meanwhile, the royal court at Versailles was isolated from and indifferent to the escalating crisis. While in theory King Louis XVI was an absolute monarch, in practice he was often indecisive and known to back down when faced with strong opposition. While he did reduce government expenditures, opponents in the parlements successfully thwarted his attempts at enacting much needed reforms. The Enlightenment had produced many writers, pamphleteers and publishers who could inform or inflame public opinion. The opposition used this resource to mobilise public opinion against the monarchy, which in turn tried to repress the underground literature.[29]
Many other factors involved resentments and aspirations given focus by the rise of Enlightenment ideals. These included resentment of royal absolutism; resentment by peasants, labourers and the bourgeoisie towards the traditional seigneurial privileges possessed by the nobility; resentment of the Catholic Church's influence over public policy and institutions; aspirations for freedom of religion; resentment of aristocratic bishops by the poorer rural clergy; aspirations for social, political and economic equality, and (especially as the Revolution progressed) republicanism; hatred of Queen Marie-Antoinette, who was falsely accused of being a spendthrift and an Austrian spy; and anger towards the King for dismissing ministers, including finance minister Jacques Necker, who were popularly seen as representatives of the people.[33]
Freemasonry played an important role in the revolution. Originally largely apolitical, Freemasonry was radicalised in the late 18th century through the introduction of higher grades, which emphasised themes of liberty, equality, and fraternity. Virtually every major player in the Revolution was a Freemason and these themes became the widely recognised slogan of the revolution.[34]
Ancien Régime
Financial crisis
Caricature of the Third Estate carrying the First Estate (clergy) and the Second Estate (nobility) on its back
In 1774 Louis XVI ascended to the throne in the middle of a financial crisis in which the state was faced with a budget deficit and was nearing bankruptcy.[35] This was due in part to France's costly involvements in the Seven Years' War and later the American Revolutionary War.[36] In May 1776, finance minister Turgot was dismissed, after failing to enact reforms. The next year, Jacques Necker, a foreigner, was appointed Comptroller-General of Finance. He could not be made an official minister because he was a Protestant.[37]
Necker realised that the country's extremely regressive tax system subjected the lower classes to a heavy burden,[37] while numerous exemptions existed for the nobility and clergy.[38] He argued that the country could not be taxed higher; that tax exemptions for the nobility and clergy must be reduced; and proposed that borrowing more money would solve the country's fiscal shortages. Necker published a report to support this claim that underestimated the deficit by roughly 36 million livres, and proposed restricting the power of the parlements.[37]
This was not received well by the King's ministers, and Necker, hoping to bolster his position, argued to be made a minister. The King refused, Necker was dismissed, and Charles Alexandre de Calonne was appointed to the Comptrollership.[37] Calonne initially spent liberally, but he quickly realised the critical financial situation and proposed a new tax code.[39]
The proposal included a consistent land tax, which would include taxation of the nobility and clergy. Faced with opposition from the parlements, Calonne organised the summoning of the Assembly of Notables. But the Assembly failed to endorse Calonne's proposals and instead weakened his position through its criticism. In response, the King announced the calling of the Estates-General for May 1789, the first time the body had been summoned since 1614. This was a signal that the Bourbon monarchy was in a weakened state and subject to the demands of its people.[40]
Estates-General of 1789
Main article: Estates General of 1789 in France
The Estates-General was organised into three estates: the clergy, the nobility, and the rest of France. It had last met in 1614. Elections were held in the spring of 1789; suffrage requirements for the Third Estate were for French-born or naturalised males, aged 25 years or more, who resided where the vote was to take place and who paid taxes. Strong turnout produced 1,201 delegates, including 303 clergy, 291 nobles and 610 members of the Third Estate. The First Estate represented 100,000 Catholic clergy; the Church owned about 10% of the land and collected its own taxes (the tithe) on peasants. The lands were controlled by bishops and abbots of monasteries, but two-thirds of the 303 delegates from the First Estate were ordinary parish priests; only 51 were bishops.[41] The Second Estate represented the nobility, about 400,000 men and women who owned about 25% of the land and collected seigneurial dues and rents from their peasant tenants. About a third of these deputies were nobles, mostly with minor holdings. The Third Estate representation was doubled to 610 men, representing 95% of the population. Half were well educated lawyers or local officials. Nearly a third were in trades or industry; 51 were wealthy land owners.[42][43]
The meeting of the Estates General on 5 May 1789 at Versailles
To assist delegates, "Books of grievances" (cahiers de doléances) were compiled to list problems.[44] The books articulated ideas which would have seemed radical only months before; however, most supported the monarchical system in general. Many assumed the Estates-General would approve future taxes, and Enlightenment ideals were relatively rare.[45][46]
Pamphlets by liberal nobles and clergy became widespread after the lifting of press censorship.[47] The Abbé Sieyès, a theorist and Catholic clergyman, argued the paramount importance of the Third Estate in the pamphlet Qu'est-ce que le tiers état? (What is the Third Estate?) published in January, 1789. He asserted: "What is the Third Estate? Everything. What has it been until now in the political order? Nothing. What does it want to be? Something."[48]
The Estates-General convened in the Grands Salles des Menus-Plaisirs in Versailles on 5 May 1789 and opened with a three-hour speech by Necker. The Third Estate demanded that the credentials of deputies should be verified by all deputies, rather than each estate verifying the credentials of its own members, but negotiations with the other estates failed to achieve this. The commoners appealed to the clergy, who asked for more time. Necker then stated that each estate should verify its own members' credentials and that the king should act as arbitrator.[49]
National Assembly (1789)
Main article: National Assembly (French Revolution)
The National Assembly taking the Tennis Court Oath (sketch by Jacques-Louis David)
The middle class were the ones who fanned the flames of revolution. They established the National Assembly and tried to pressure the aristocracy to spread their money evenly between the upper, middle and lower classes. On 10 June 1789 Abbé Sieyès moved that the Third Estate, now meeting as the Communes (English: "Commons") proceed with verifying its own powers and invite the other two estates to take part, but not to wait for them. They proceeded to do so two days later, completing the process on 17 June.[50] Then they voted a measure far more radical, declaring themselves the National Assembly, an assembly not of the Estates but of "the People". They invited the other orders to join them, but made it clear they intended to conduct the nation's affairs with or without them.[51]
In an attempt to keep control of the process and prevent the Assembly from convening, Louis XVI ordered the closure of the Salle des États where the Assembly met, making an excuse that the carpenters needed to prepare the hall for a royal speech in two days. Weather did not allow an outdoor meeting, and fearing an attack ordered by Louis XVI, they met in a tennis court just outside Versailles, where they proceeded to swear the Tennis Court Oath (20 June 1789) under which they agreed not to separate until they had given France a constitution. A majority of the representatives of the clergy soon joined them, as did 47 members of the nobility. By 27 June, the royal party had overtly given in, although the military began to arrive in large numbers around Paris and Versailles. Messages of support for the Assembly poured in from Paris and other French cities.[52]
Constitutional Monarchy
National Constituent Assembly (July 1789 – September 1791)
Main article: National Constituent Assembly (France)
Storming of the Bastille
Main article: Storming of the Bastille
By this time, Necker had earned the enmity of many members of the French court for his overt manipulation of public opinion. Marie Antoinette, the King's younger brother the Comte d'Artois, and other conservative members of the King's privy council urged him to dismiss Necker as financial advisor. On 11 July 1789, after Necker published an inaccurate account of the government's debts and made it available to the public, the King fired him, and completely restructured the finance ministry at the same time.[53]
The Storming of the Bastille in July 1789 is widely regarded as the most iconic event of the Revolution.
Many Parisians presumed Louis' actions to be aimed against the Assembly and began open rebellion when they heard the news the next day. They were also afraid that arriving soldiers – mostly foreign mercenaries – had been summoned to shut down the National Constituent Assembly. The Assembly, meeting at Versailles, went into nonstop session to prevent another eviction from their meeting place. Paris was soon consumed by riots, chaos, and widespread looting. The mobs soon had the support of some of the French Guard, who were armed and trained soldiers.[54]
On 14 July, the insurgents set their eyes on the large weapons and ammunition cache inside the Bastille fortress, which was also perceived to be a symbol of royal power. After several hours of combat, the prison fell that afternoon. Despite ordering a ceasefire, which prevented a mutual massacre, Governor Marquis Bernard-René de Launay was beaten, stabbed and decapitated; his head was placed on a pike and paraded about the city. Although the fortress had held only seven prisoners (four forgers, two noblemen kept for immoral behaviour, and a murder suspect) the Bastille served as a potent symbol of everything hated under the Ancien Régime. Returning to the Hôtel de Ville (city hall), the mob accused the prévôt des marchands (roughly, mayor) Jacques de Flesselles of treachery and butchered him.[55]
The King, alarmed by the violence, backed down, at least for the time being. The Marquis de Lafayette took up command of the National Guard at Paris. Jean-Sylvain Bailly, president of the Assembly at the time of the Tennis Court Oath, became the city's mayor under a new governmental structure known as the commune. The King visited Paris, where, on 17 July he accepted a tricolore cockade, to cries of Vive la Nation ("Long live the Nation") and Vive le Roi ("Long live the King").[56]
Necker was recalled to power, but his triumph was short-lived. An astute financier but a less astute politician, Necker overplayed his hand by demanding and obtaining a general amnesty, losing much of the people's favour.
As civil authority rapidly deteriorated, with random acts of violence and theft breaking out across the country, members of the nobility, fearing for their safety, fled to neighbouring countries; many of these émigrés, as they were called, funded counter-revolutionary causes within France and urged foreign monarchs to offer military support to a counter-revolution.[57]
By late July, the spirit of popular sovereignty had spread throughout France. In rural areas, many commoners began to form militias and arm themselves against a foreign invasion: some attacked the châteaux of the nobility as part of a general agrarian insurrection known as "la Grande Peur" ("the Great Fear"). In addition, wild rumours and paranoia caused widespread unrest and civil disturbances that contributed to the collapse of law and order.[58]
Abolition of feudalism
Main article: Abolition of feudalism in France
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 26 August 1789
On 4 and 11 August 1789 the National Constituent Assembly abolished privileges and feudalism (numerous peasant revolts had almost brought feudalism to an end) in the August Decrees, sweeping away personal serfdom,[59] exclusive hunting rights and other seigneurial rights of the Second Estate (nobility).
Also the tithe (a 10% tax for the Church, gathered by the First Estate (clergy)) was abolished which had been the main source of income for many clergymen.[60] During the course of a few hours nobles, clergy, towns, provinces, companies and cities lost their special privileges.[61]
Historian Georges Lefebvre summarises the night's work:
Without debate the Assembly enthusiastically adopted equality of taxation and redemption of all manorial rights except for those involving personal servitude—which were to be abolished without indemnification. Other proposals followed with the same success: the equality of legal punishment, admission of all to public office, abolition of venality in office,[62] conversion of the tithe into payments subject to redemption, freedom of worship, prohibition of plural holding of benefices ... Privileges of provinces and towns were offered as a last sacrifice.[63]
Originally the peasants were supposed to pay for the release of seigneurial dues; these dues affected more than a fourth of the farmland in France and provided most of the income of the large landowners.[64] The majority refused to pay and in 1793 the obligation was cancelled. Thus the peasants got their land free, and also no longer paid the tithe to the church.[65]
Furet emphasises that the decisions of August 1789 survived and became an integral part of
the founding texts of modern France. They destroyed aristocratic society from top to bottom, along with its structure of dependencies and privileges. For this structure they substituted the modern, autonomous individual, free to do whatever was not prohibited by law ... The Revolution thus distinguished itself quite early by its radical individualism [66]
The old judicial system, based on the 13 regional parlements, was suspended in November 1789, and officially abolished in September 1790. The main institutional pillars of the old regime had vanished overnight.[67]
Declaration of the Rights of Man
Main article: Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen
On 26 August 1789 the Assembly published the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which comprised a statement of principles rather than a constitution with legal effect. The Declaration was directly influenced by Thomas Jefferson working with General Lafayette, who introduced it.[68]
The National Constituent Assembly functioned not only as a legislature, but also as a body to draft a new constitution.
Writing the first constitution
Main article: French Constitution of 1791
Necker, Mounier, Lally-Tollendal and others argued unsuccessfully for a senate, with members appointed by the crown on the nomination of the people. The bulk of the nobles argued for an aristocratic upper house elected by the nobles. The popular party carried the day: France would have a single, unicameral assembly. The King retained only a "suspensive veto"; he could delay the implementation of a law, but not block it absolutely. The Assembly eventually replaced the historic provinces with 83 départements, uniformly administered and roughly equal in area and population.[67]
Amid the Assembly's preoccupation with constitutional affairs, the financial crisis had continued largely unaddressed, and the deficit had only increased. Honoré Mirabeau now led the move to address this matter, and the Assembly gave Necker complete financial dictatorship.
Women's March on Versailles
Main article: Women's March on Versailles
Engraving of the Women's March on Versailles, 5 October 1789
Fuelled by rumours of a reception for the King's bodyguards on 1 October 1789, at which the national cockade had been trampled upon, on 5 October 1789, crowds of women began to assemble at Parisian markets. The women first marched to the Hôtel de Ville, demanding that city officials address their concerns.[69] The women were responding to the harsh economic situations they faced, especially bread shortages. They also demanded an end to royal efforts to block the National Assembly, and for the King and his administration to move to Paris as a sign of good faith in addressing the widespread poverty.
Getting unsatisfactory responses from city officials, as many as 7,000 women joined the march to Versailles, bringing with them cannons and a variety of smaller weapons. Twenty thousand National Guardsmen under the command of Lafayette responded to keep order, and members of the mob stormed the palace, killing several guards.[70] Lafayette ultimately persuaded the king to accede to the demand of the crowd that the monarchy relocate to Paris.
On 6 October 1789, the King and the royal family moved from Versailles to Paris under the "protection" of the National Guards, thus legitimising the National Assembly.
Revolution and the Church
Main articles: Dechristianization of France during the French Revolution and Civil Constitution of the Clergy
In this caricature, monks and nuns enjoy their new freedom after the decree of 16 February 1790.
The Revolution caused a massive shift of power from the Roman Catholic Church to the state.[71] Under the Ancien Régime, the Church had been the largest single landowner in the country, owning about 10% of the land in the kingdom.[72] The Church was exempt from paying taxes to the government, while it levied a tithe—a 10% tax on income, often collected in the form of crops—on the general population, only a fraction of which it then redistributed to the poor.[72]
Resentment towards the Church weakened its power during the opening of the Estates General in May 1789. The Church composed the First Estate with 130,000 members of the clergy. When the National Assembly was later created in June 1789 by the Third Estate, the clergy voted to join them, which perpetuated the destruction of the Estates General as a governing body.[73] The National Assembly began to enact social and economic reform. Legislation sanctioned on 4 August 1789 abolished the Church's authority to impose the tithe. In an attempt to address the financial crisis, the Assembly declared, on 2 November 1789, that the property of the Church was "at the disposal of the nation".[74] They used this property to back a new currency, the assignats. Thus, the nation had now also taken on the responsibility of the Church, which included paying the clergy and caring for the poor, the sick and the orphaned.[75] In December, the Assembly began to sell the lands to the highest bidder to raise revenue, effectively decreasing the value of the assignats by 25% in two years.[76] In autumn 1789, legislation abolished monastic vows and on 13 February 1790 all religious orders were dissolved.[77] Monks and nuns were encouraged to return to private life and a small percentage did eventually marry.[78]
The Civil Constitution of the Clergy, passed on 12 July 1790, turned the remaining clergy into employees of the state. This established an election system for parish priests and bishops and set a pay rate for the clergy. Many Catholics objected to the election system because it effectively denied the authority of the Pope in Rome over the French Church. In October a group of 30 bishops wrote a declaration saying they could not accept that law, and this protest fueled also civilian opposition against that law.[60] Eventually, in November 1790, the National Assembly began to require an oath of loyalty to the Civil Constitution from all the members of the clergy.[78] This led to a schism between those clergy who swore the required oath and accepted the new arrangement and those who remained loyal to the Pope. Priests swearing the oath were indicated as 'constitutional', those not taking the oath as 'non-juring' or 'refractory' clergy.[79] Overall, 24% of the clergy nationwide took the oath.[80] This decree stiffened the resistance against the state’s interference with the church, especially in the west of France like in Normandy, Brittany and the Vendée, where only few priests took the oath and the civilian population turned against the revolution.[60]
Widespread refusal led to legislation against the clergy, "forcing them into exile, deporting them forcibly, or executing them as traitors".[76] Pope Pius VI never accepted the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, further isolating the Church in France.
A new Republican Calendar was established in 1793, with 10-day weeks that made it very difficult for Catholics to remember Sundays and saints' days. Workers complained it reduced the number of first-day-of-the-week holidays from 52 to 37.[81]
During the Reign of Terror, extreme efforts of de-Christianisation ensued, including the imprisonment and massacre of priests and destruction of churches and religious images throughout France. An effort was made to replace the Catholic Church altogether, with civic festivals replacing religious ones. The establishment of the Cult of Reason was the final step of radical de-Christianisation. These events led to a widespread disillusionment with the Revolution and to counter-rebellions across France. Locals often resisted de-Christianisation by attacking revolutionary agents and hiding members of the clergy who were being hunted. Eventually, Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety were forced to denounce the campaign,[82] replacing the Cult of Reason with the deist but still non-Christian Cult of the Supreme Being. The Concordat of 1801 between Napoleon and the Church ended the de-Christianisation period and established the rules for a relationship between the Catholic Church and the French State that lasted until it was abrogated by the Third Republic via the separation of church and state on 11 December 1905. The persecution of the Church led to a counter-revolution known as the Revolt in the Vendée.[83]
Historians Lynn Hunt and Jack Censer argue that some French Protestants, the Huguenots, wanted an anti-Catholic regime, and that Enlightenment thinkers such as Voltaire helped fuel this resentment.[84] Historian John McManners writes, "In eighteenth-century France throne and altar were commonly spoken of as in close alliance; their simultaneous collapse ... would one day provide the final proof of their interdependence."[85]
Intrigues and radicalism
Factions within the Assembly began to clarify. The aristocrat Jacques Antoine Marie de Cazalès and the abbé Jean-Sifrein Maury led what would become known as the right wing, the opposition to revolution (this party sat on the right-hand side of the Assembly). The "Royalist democrats" or monarchiens, allied with Necker, inclined towards organising France along lines similar to the British constitutional model; they included Jean Joseph Mounier, the Comte de Lally-Tollendal, the comte de Clermont-Tonnerre, and Pierre Victor Malouet, comte de Virieu.
The "National Party", representing the centre or centre-left of the assembly, included Honoré Mirabeau, Lafayette, and Bailly; while Adrien Duport, Barnave and Alexandre Lameth represented somewhat more extreme views. Almost alone in his radicalism on the left was the Arras lawyer Maximilien Robespierre. Abbé Sieyès led in proposing legislation in this period and successfully forged consensus for some time between the political centre and the left. In Paris, various committees, the mayor, the assembly of representatives, and the individual districts each claimed authority independent of the others. The increasingly middle-class National Guard under Lafayette also slowly emerged as a power in its own right, as did other self-generated assemblies.
The Fête de la Fédération on 14 July 1790 celebrated the establishment of the constitutional monarchy
The Assembly abolished the symbolic paraphernalia of the Ancien Régime – armorial bearings, liveries, etc. – which further alienated the more conservative nobles, and added to the ranks of the émigrés. On 14 July 1790, and for several days following, crowds in the Champ de Mars celebrated the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille with the Fête de la Fédération; Talleyrand performed a mass; participants swore an oath of "fidelity to the nation, the law, and the king"; the King and the royal family actively participated.[86]
The electors had originally chosen the members of the Estates-General to serve for a single year. However, by the terms of the Tennis Court Oath, the communes had bound themselves to meet continuously until France had a constitution. Right-wing elements now argued for a new election, but Mirabeau prevailed, asserting that the status of the assembly had fundamentally changed, and that no new election should take place before completing the constitution.[87]
In late 1790 the French army was in considerable disarray. The military officer corps was largely composed of noblemen, who found it increasingly difficult to maintain order within the ranks. In some cases, soldiers (drawn from the lower classes) had turned against their aristocratic commanders and attacked them. At Nancy, General Bouillé successfully put down one such rebellion, only to be accused of being anti-revolutionary for doing so. This and other such incidents spurred a mass desertion as more and more officers defected to other countries, leaving a dearth of experienced leadership within the army.[88]
This period also saw the rise of the political "clubs" in French politics. Foremost among these was the Jacobin Club; 152 members had affiliated with the Jacobins by 10 August 1790. The Jacobin Society began as a broad, general organisation for political debate, but as it grew in members, various factions developed with widely differing views. Several of these factions broke off to form their own clubs, such as the Club of '89.[89]
Meanwhile, the Assembly continued to work on developing a constitution. A new judicial organisation made all magistracies temporary and independent of the throne. The legislators abolished hereditary offices, except for the monarchy itself. Jury trials started for criminal cases. The King would have the unique power to propose war, with the legislature then deciding whether to declare war. The Assembly abolished all internal trade barriers and suppressed guilds, masterships, and workers' organisations: any individual gained the right to practise a trade through the purchase of a license; strikes became illegal.[90]
Royal flight to Varennes
Main article: Flight to Varennes
The return of the royal family to Paris on 25 June 1791, after their failed flight to Varennes
Louis XVI was increasingly dismayed by the direction of the revolution. His brother, the Comte d'Artois and his queen, Marie Antoinette, urged a stronger stance against the revolution and support for the émigrés, while he was resistant to any course that would see him openly side with foreign powers against the Assembly. Eventually, fearing for his own safety and that of his family, he decided to flee Paris to the Austrian border, having been assured of the loyalty of the border garrisons.
Louis cast his lot with General Bouillé, who condemned both the emigration and the Assembly, and promised him refuge and support in his camp at Montmédy. On the night of 20 June 1791 the royal family fled the Tuileries Palace dressed as servants, while their servants dressed as nobles.
However, late the next day, the King was recognised and arrested at Varennes and returned to Paris. The Assembly provisionally suspended the King. He and Queen Marie Antoinette remained held under guard.[91] The King's flight had a profound impact on public opinion, turning popular sentiment further against the clergy and nobility, and built momentum for the institution of a constitutional monarchy.[91]
Completing the constitution
Main article: The Last Days of the National Constituent Assembly
As most of the Assembly still favoured a constitutional monarchy rather than a republic, the various groups reached a compromise which left Louis XVI as little more than a figurehead: he was forced to swear an oath to the constitution, and a decree declared that retracting the oath, heading an army for the purpose of making war upon the nation, or permitting anyone to do so in his name would amount to abdication.
However, Jacques Pierre Brissot drafted a petition, insisting that in the eyes of the nation Louis XVI was deposed since his flight. An immense crowd gathered in the Champ de Mars to sign the petition. Georges Danton and Camille Desmoulins gave fiery speeches. The Assembly called for the municipal authorities to "preserve public order". The National Guard under Lafayette's command confronted the crowd. The soldiers responded to a barrage of stones by firing into the crowd, killing between 13 and 50 people.[92] The incident cost Lafayette and his National Guard much public support.
In the wake of the massacre the authorities closed many of the patriotic clubs, as well as radical newspapers such as Jean-Paul Marat's L'Ami du Peuple. Danton fled to England; Desmoulins and Marat went into hiding.[93]
Meanwhile, in August 1791, a new threat arose from abroad: the King's brother-in-law Holy Roman Emperor Leopold II, King Frederick William II of Prussia, and the King's brother Charles-Philippe, comte d'Artois, issued the Declaration of Pillnitz, declaring their intention to bring the French king in the position "to consolidate the basis of a monarchical government" and that they were preparing their own troops for action,[94] hinting at an invasion of France on the King's behalf.[95]
Although Leopold himself sought to avoid war and made the declaration to satisfy the Comte d'Artois and the other émigrés, the reaction within France was ferocious. The French people expressed no respect for the dictates of foreign monarchs, and the threat of force merely hastened their militarisation.[96]
Even before the Flight to Varennes, the Assembly members had determined to debar themselves from the legislature that would succeed them, the Legislative Assembly. They now gathered the various constitutional laws they had passed into a single constitution, and submitted it to the recently restored Louis XVI, who accepted it, writing "I engage to maintain it at home, to defend it from all attacks from abroad, and to cause its execution by all the means it places at my disposal". The King addressed the Assembly and received enthusiastic applause from members and spectators. With this capstone, the National Constituent Assembly adjourned in a final session on 30 September 1791.[97]
Legislative Assembly (Oct.1791–Sept.1792)
Main article: Louis XVI and the Legislative Assembly
The Legislative Assembly first met on 1 October 1791, elected by those 4 million men – out of a population of 25 million – who paid a certain minimum amount of taxes.[98] Under the Constitution of 1791, France would function as a constitutional monarchy. The King had to share power with the elected Legislative Assembly, but he retained his royal veto and the ability to select ministers. Early on, the King vetoed legislation that threatened the émigrés with death and that decreed that every non-juring clergyman must take within eight days the civic oath mandated by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. Over the course of a year, such disagreements would lead to a constitutional crisis.
Late in 1791, a group of Assembly members who propagated war against Austria and Prussia was, after some remark of politician Maximilien Robespierre, henceforth indicated as the 'Girondins', although not all of them really came from the southern province of Gironde. A group around Robespierre – later indicated as 'Montagnards' or 'Jacobins' – pleaded against that war; this opposition between those groups would harden and embitter in the next 1½ years.[94]
In response to the threat of war of August 1791 from Austria and Prussia, leaders of the Assembly saw such a war as a means to strengthen support for their revolutionary government, and the French people as well as the Assembly thought that they would win a war against Austria and Prussia. On 20 April 1792, France declared war on Austria.[94][99] Late April 1792, France invaded and conquered the Austrian Netherlands (roughly present-day Belgium and Luxembourg).[94]
Failure of the constitutional monarchy
See also: Louis XVI and the Legislative Assembly
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The Legislative Assembly degenerated into chaos before October 1792. Francis Charles Montague concluded in 1911, "In the attempt to govern, the Assembly failed altogether. It left behind an empty treasury, an undisciplined army and navy, and a people debauched by safe and successful riot."[100]
Lyons argues that the Constituent Assembly had liberal, rational, and individualistic goals that seem to have been largely achieved by 1791. However, it failed to consolidate the gains of the Revolution, which continued with increasing momentum and escalating radicalism until 1794. Lyons identifies six reasons for this escalation. First, the king did not accept the limitations on his powers, and mobilised support from foreign monarchs to reverse it. Second, the effort to overthrow the Roman Catholic Church, sell off its lands, close its monasteries and its charitable operations, and replace it with an unpopular makeshift system caused deep consternation among the pious and the peasants. Third, the economy was badly hurt by the issuance of ever increasing amounts of paper money (assignats), which caused more and more inflation; the rising prices hurt the urban poor who spent most of their income on food. Fourth, the rural peasants demanded liberation from the heavy system of taxes and dues owed to local landowners. Fifth, the working class of Paris and the other cities—the sans-culottes—resented the fact that the property owners and professionals had taken all the spoils of the Revolution. Finally, foreign powers threatened to overthrow the Revolution, which responded with extremism and systematic violence in its own defence.[101]
Constitutional crisis
Main articles: 10 August (French Revolution), September Massacres, and Proclamation of the abolition of the monarchy
In the summer of 1792, all of Paris was against the king, and hoped that the Assembly would depose the king, but the Assembly hesitated.[102] At dawn of 10 August 1792, a large, angry crowd of Parisians and soldiers from all over France,[102] insurgents and popular militias, supported by the revolutionary Paris Commune,[103] marched on the Tuileries Palace where the king resided,[102] assailed the Palace and killed the Swiss Guards who were assigned for the protection of the king.[103]
Around 8:00 am the king decided to leave his palace and seek safety with his wife and children in the Assembly that was gathered in permanent session in Salle du Manège opposite to the Tuileries.[102] The royal family became prisoners.[104] After 11:00 am, a rump session of the Legislative Assembly 'temporarily relieved the king from his task'[102] and thus suspended the monarchy; little more than a third of the deputies were present, almost all of them Jacobins.[104] In reaction, on 19 August the Prussian general Duke of Brunswick invaded France[105] and besieged Longwy.[106]
On 10 August 1792 the Paris Commune stormed the Tuileries Palace and killed the Swiss Guards.
On 26 August, the Assembly decreed the deportation of refractory priests in the west of France, as "causes of danger to the fatherland", to destinations like French Guiana. In reaction, peasants in the Vendée took over a town, in another step toward civil war.[106] What remained of a national government depended on the support of the insurrectionary Commune. With enemy troops advancing, the Commune looked for potential traitors in Paris.[107][108]
On 2, 3 and 4 September 1792, hundreds of Parisians, supporters of the revolution, infuriated by Verdun being captured by the Prussian enemy, the uprisings in the west of France, and rumours that the incarcerated prisoners in Paris were conspiring with the foreign enemy, raided the Parisian prisons and murdered between 1,000 and 1,500 prisoners, many of them Catholic priests but also common criminals. Jean-Paul Marat, a political ally of Robespierre, in an open letter on 3 September incited the rest of France to follow the Parisian example; Robespierre kept a low profile in regard to the murder orgy.[109] The Assembly and the city council of Paris (la Commune) seemed inapt and hardly motivated to call a halt to the unleashed bloodshed.[102]
The Commune sent gangs of National Guardsmen and fédérés into the prisons, and they killed 10 or more victims, mostly nonjuring priests. The Commune then sent a circular letter to the other cities of France inviting them to follow this example, and many cities launched their own massacres of prisoners and priests in the "September massacres". The Assembly could offer only feeble resistance. In October, however, there was a counterattack accusing the instigators, especially Marat, of being terrorists. This led to a political contest between the more moderate Girondists and the more radical Montagnards inside the Convention, with rumour used as a weapon by both sides. The Girondists lost ground when they seemed too conciliatory. But the pendulum swung again and after Thermidor, the men who had endorsed the massacres were denounced as terrorists.[107][108]
Chaos persisted until the Convention, elected by universal male suffrage and charged with writing a new constitution, met on 20 September 1792 and became the new de facto government of France. The next day it abolished the monarchy and declared a republic. The following day – 22 September 1792, the first morning of the new Republic – was later retroactively adopted as the beginning of Year One of the French Republican Calendar.[110]
French Revolutionary Wars and Napoleonic Wars
Main articles: French Revolutionary Wars and Napoleonic Wars
From 1793 to 1815 France was engaged almost continuously (with two short breaks) in wars with Britain and a changing coalition of other major powers. The many French successes led to the spread of the French revolutionary ideals into neighbouring countries, and indeed across much of Europe. However, the final defeat of Napoleon in 1814 (and 1815) brought a reaction that reversed some – but not all – of the revolutionary achievements in France and Europe. The Bourbons were restored to the throne, with the brother of executed King Louis XVI becoming King Louis XVIII.
French victory over the Prussians at the Battle of Valmy on 20 September 1792
The politics of the period inevitably drove France towards war with Austria and its allies. The King, many of the Feuillants, and the Girondins specifically wanted to wage war. The King (and many Feuillants with him) expected war would increase his personal popularity; he also foresaw an opportunity to exploit any defeat: either result would make him stronger. The Girondins wanted to export the Revolution throughout Europe and, by extension, to defend the Revolution within France. The forces opposing war were much weaker. Barnave and his supporters among the Feuillants feared a war they thought France had little chance to win and which they feared might lead to greater radicalisation of the revolution. On the other end of the political spectrum Robespierre opposed a war on two grounds, fearing that it would strengthen the monarchy and military at the expense of the revolution, and that it would incur the anger of ordinary people in Austria and elsewhere. The Austrian emperor Leopold II, brother of Marie Antoinette, may have wished to avoid war, but he died on 1 March 1792.[111] France preemptively declared war on Austria (20 April 1792) and Prussia joined on the Austrian side a few weeks later. The invading Prussian army faced little resistance until checked at the Battle of Valmy (20 September 1792) and was forced to withdraw.
The French Revolutionary Army defeated the combined armies of Austrians, Dutch and British at Fleurus in June 1794
The new-born Republic followed up on this success with a series of victories in Belgium and the Rhineland in the fall of 1792. The French armies defeated the Austrians at the Battle of Jemappes on 6 November, and had soon taken over most of the Austrian Netherlands. This brought them into conflict with Britain and the Dutch Republic, which wished to preserve the independence of the southern Netherlands from France. After the king's execution in January 1793, these powers, along with Spain and most other European states, joined the war against France. Almost immediately, French forces faced defeat on many fronts, and were driven out of their newly conquered territories in the spring of 1793. At the same time, the republican regime was forced to deal with rebellions against its authority in much of western and southern France. But the allies failed to take advantage of French disunity, and by the autumn of 1793 the republican regime had defeated most of the internal rebellions and halted the allied advance into France itself.
The stalemate was broken in the summer of 1794 with dramatic French victories. They defeated the allied army at the Battle of Fleurus, leading to a full Allied withdrawal from the Austrian Netherlands. They followed with a campaign that swept the allies to the east bank of the Rhine and allowed the French, by the beginning of 1795, to conquer the Dutch Republic itself. The House of Orange was expelled and replaced by the Batavian Republic, a French satellite state. These victories led to the collapse of the coalition against France. Prussia, having effectively abandoned the coalition in the fall of 1794, made peace with revolutionary France at Basel in April 1795, and soon thereafter Spain, too, made peace with France. Of the major powers, only Britain and Austria remained at war with France.
Colonial uprisings
Slave revolt in Saint Domingue
Although the French Revolution had a dramatic impact in numerous areas of Europe, the French colonies felt a particular influence. As the Martinican author Aimé Césaire put it, "there was in each French colony a specific revolution, that occurred on the occasion of the French Revolution, in tune with it."[112] The Haitian Revolution (Saint Domingue) became a central example of slave uprisings in French colonies.
First Republic
National Convention (Sept.1792–95)
Main article: National Convention
Late in August 1792, elections were held, now under male universal suffrage, for the new National Convention,[109] which replaced the Legislative Assembly on 20 September 1792. From the start the Convention suffered from the bitter division between a group around Robespierre, Danton and Marat, referred to as 'Montagnards' or 'Jacobins' or the 'left', and a group referred to as 'Girondins' or the 'right'. But the majority of the representatives, referred to as 'la Plaine', were member of neither of those two antagonistic groups and managed to preserve some speed in the Convention's debates.[109][113]
Immediately on 21 September the Convention abolished the monarchy, making France the French First Republic.[102] A new French Republican Calendar was introduced to replace the Christian Gregorian calendar, renaming the year 1792 as year 1 of the Republic.[59]
With wars against Prussia and Austria having started earlier in 1792, France also declared war on the Kingdom of Great Britain and the Dutch Republic in November 1792.[113] In the course of 1793, the Holy Roman Empire, the kings of Portugal and Naples and the Grand-Duke of Tuscany declared war against France.[114]
Execution of Louis XVI
Main article: Execution of Louis XVI
See also: Robespierre and the Execution of Louis XVI
Execution of Louis XVI in what is now the Place de la Concorde, facing the empty pedestal where the statue of his grandfather, Louis XV, had stood.
In the Brunswick Manifesto, the Imperial and Prussian armies threatened retaliation on the French population if it were to resist their advance or the reinstatement of the monarchy. This among other things made Louis appear to be conspiring with the enemies of France. On 17 January 1793 Louis was condemned to death for "conspiracy against the public liberty and the general safety" by a close majority in Convention: 361 voted to execute the king, 288 voted against, and another 72 voted to execute him subject to a variety of delaying conditions. The former Louis XVI, now simply named Citoyen Louis Capet (Citizen Louis Capet) was executed by guillotine on 21 January 1793 on the Place de la Révolution, former Place Louis XV, now called the Place de la Concorde.[115] Conservatives across Europe were horrified and monarchies called for war against revolutionary France.[116][117]
Economy
When war went badly, prices rose and the sans-culottes – poor labourers and radical Jacobins – rioted; counter-revolutionary activities began in some regions. This encouraged the Jacobins to seize power through a parliamentary coup, backed up by force effected by mobilising public support against the Girondist faction, and by utilising the mob power of the Parisian sans-culottes. An alliance of Jacobin and sans-culottes elements thus became the effective centre of the new government. Policy became considerably more radical, as "The Law of the Maximum" set food prices and led to executions of offenders.[118]
The price control policy was coeval with the rise to power of the Committee of Public Safety and the Reign of Terror. The Committee first attempted to set the price for only a limited number of grain products, but by September 1793 it expanded the "maximum" to cover all foodstuffs and a long list of other goods.[119] Widespread shortages and famine ensued. The Committee reacted by sending dragoons into the countryside to arrest farmers and seize crops. This temporarily solved the problem in Paris, but the rest of the country suffered. By the spring of 1794, forced collection of food was not sufficient to feed even Paris, and the days of the Committee were numbered. When Robespierre went to the guillotine in July 1794, the crowd jeered, "There goes the dirty maximum!"[120]
Reign of Terror
Main article: Reign of Terror
Queen Marie Antoinette on the way to the guillotine on 16 October 1793 (drawing by Jacques-Louis David)
'Reign of Terror' is a label used by some historians for (part of) French history between July 1789 and July 1794, but those historians adhere that label to different periods.
The Committee of Public Safety came under the control of Maximilien Robespierre, a lawyer, and the Jacobins unleashed the Reign of Terror (1793–94). According to archival records, at least 16,594 people died under the guillotine or otherwise after accusations of counter-revolutionary activities.[121] As many as 40,000 accused prisoners may have been summarily executed without trial or died awaiting trial.[121][122]
On 2 June 1793, Paris sections – encouraged by the enragés ("enraged ones") Jacques Roux and Jacques Hébert – took over the Convention, calling for administrative and political purges, a low fixed price for bread, and a limitation of the electoral franchise to sans-culottes alone.[123] With the backing of the National Guard, they managed to persuade the Convention to arrest 31 Girondin leaders, including Jacques Pierre Brissot. Following these arrests, the Jacobins gained control of the Committee of Public Safety on 10 June, installing the revolutionary dictatorship.[124]
On 24 June, the Convention adopted the first republican constitution of France, variously referred to as the French Constitution of 1793 or Constitution of the Year I. It was progressive and radical in several respects, in particular by establishing universal male suffrage. It was ratified by public referendum, but normal legal processes were suspended before it could take effect.[125]
On 13 July, the assassination of Jean-Paul Marat – a Jacobin leader and journalist known for his bloodthirsty rhetoric – by Charlotte Corday, a Girondin, resulted in further increase of Jacobin political influence. Georges Danton, the leader of the August 1792 uprising against the king, undermined by several political reversals, was removed from the Committee and Robespierre, "the Incorruptible", became its most influential member as it moved to take radical measures against the Revolution's domestic and foreign enemies.[124]
The Reign of Terror ultimately weakened the revolutionary government, while temporarily ending internal opposition. The Jacobins expanded the size of the army, and Carnot replaced many aristocratic officers with soldiers who had demonstrated their patriotism, if not their ability. The Republican army repulsed the Austrians, Prussians, British, and Spanish. At the end of 1793, the army began to prevail and revolts were defeated with ease. The Ventôse Decrees (February–March 1794) proposed the confiscation of the goods of exiles and opponents of the Revolution, and their redistribution to the needy. However, this policy was never fully implemented.[126]
Three approaches attempt to explain the Reign of Terror imposed by the Jacobins in 1793–94. The older Marxist interpretation argued the Terror was a necessary response to outside threats (in terms of other countries going to war with France) and internal threats (of traitors inside France threatening to frustrate the Revolution). In this interpretation, as expressed by the Marxist historian Albert Soboul, Robespierre and the sans-culottes were heroes for defending the revolution from its enemies. François Furet has argued that foreign threats had little to do with the terror.[127] Instead, the extreme violence was an inherent part of the intense ideological commitment of the revolutionaries – their utopian goals required exterminating opposition. Soboul's Marxist interpretation has been largely abandoned by most historians since the 1990s. Hanson (2009) takes a middle position, recognising the importance of the foreign enemies, and sees the terror as a contingency that was caused by the interaction of a series of complex events and the foreign threat. Hanson says the terror was not inherent in the ideology of the Revolution, but that circumstances made it necessary.[128]
Internal and external wars
Further information: War in the Vendée
The War in the Vendée was a royalist uprising that was suppressed by the republican forces in 1796.
Introduction of a nationwide conscription for the army in February 1793 was the spark that in March made the Vendée, already rebellious since 1790 because of the changes imposed on the Roman Catholic Church by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790),[129] ignite into civil (guerrilla) war against the French Revolutionary government in Paris.[113][130][131][132]
North of the Loire, similar revolts were started by the so-called Chouans (royalist rebels).[133] In March 1793, France also declared war on Spain, the Vendée rebels won some victories against Paris, and the French army was defeated in Belgium by Austria with the French general Dumouriez defecting to the Austrians: the French Republic's survival was now in real danger.[113] Facing local revolts and foreign invasions in both the East and West of the country, the most urgent government business was the war.[134] On 6 April 1793, to prevent the Convention from losing itself in abstract debate and to streamline government decisions, the Comité de salut public (Committee of Public Prosperity) was created, as executive government which was accountable to the Convention.[113]
Girondins expelled
In April 1793, the Girondins indicted Jean-Paul Marat before the Revolutionary Tribunal for 'attempting to destroy the sovereignty of the people' and 'preaching plunder and massacre', referring to his behaviour during the September 1792 Paris massacres. Marat was quickly acquitted but the incident further exacerbated the 'Girondins' versus 'Montagnards' party strife in the Convention.[113]
Jacques Hébert, Convention member leaning to the 'Montagnards' group, on 24 May 1793 called on the sans-culottes to rise in revolt against the "henchmen of Capet [the ex-king] and Dumouriez [the defected general]". Hébert was arrested by a Convention committee. While that committee consisted only of members from la Plaine and the Girondins, the anger of the sans-culottes was directed towards the Girondins. 25 May, a delegation of la Commune (the Paris city council) protested against Hébert’s arrest. The Convention’s President Isnard, a Girondin, answered them: "Members of la Commune (…) If by your incessant rebellions something befalls to the representatives of the nation, I declare, in the name of France, that Paris will be totally obliterated".[113]
On 2 June 1793, the Convention's session in Tuileries Palace degenerated into chaos and pandemonium. Crowds of people swarmed in and around the palace. Incessant screaming from the public galeries suggested that all of Paris was against the Girondins. Petitions circulated, indicting and condemning 22 Girondins. Barère, member of the Comité de salut public, suggested: to end this division which is harming the Republic, the Girondin leaders should lay down their offices voluntarily. Late that night after much more tumultuous debate, dozens of Girondins had resigned and left the Convention.[113]
Abounding civil war
The assassination of Jean-Paul Marat by Girondist sympathizer Charlotte Corday on 13 July 1793
By the summer of 1793, most French departments in one way or another opposed the central Paris government. Girondins who fled from Paris after 2 June led those revolts.[135] In Brittany's countryside, the people rejecting the Civil Constitution of the Clergy of 1790 had taken to a guerrilla warfare known as Chouannerie.[129] But generally, the French opposition against 'Paris' had now evolved into a plain struggle for power over the country[135] against the 'Montagnards' around Robespierre and Marat now dominating Paris.[129]
In June–July 1793, Bordeaux, Marseilles, Brittany, Caen and the rest of Normandy gathered armies to march on Paris and against 'the revolution'.[130][129] In July, Lyon guillotined the deposed 'Montagnard' head of the city council.[129] Barère, member of the Committee of Public Prosperity, on 1 August incited the Convention to tougher measures against the Vendée, at war with Paris since March: "We'll have peace only when no Vendée remains … we'll have to exterminate that rebellious people".[130] In August, Convention troops besieged Lyon.[129]
On 17 August 1793, the Convention voted for general conscription, the levée en masse, which mobilised all citizens to serve as soldiers or suppliers in the war effort.[134] The consecutive successes in the French revolutionary wars earned Lazare Carnot the title 'Organizer of Victory'.[136][137]
In August–September 1793, militants urged the Convention to do more to quell the counter-revolution. A delegation of the Commune (Paris city council) suggested to form revolutionary armies to arrest hoarders and conspirators.[129] Barère, member of the Committee of Public Prosperity—the de facto executive government—ever since April 1793,[135] among others on 5 September reacted favorably, saying: let's "make terror the order of the day!"[129] The National Convention on 9 September voted to establish sans-culottes paramilitary forces, revolutionary armies, and to force farmers to surrender grain demanded by the government.[134] On 17 September, the Law of Suspects was passed, which ordered the arrest of suspected counter-revolutionaries and people who had revealed themselves as "enemies of freedom".[138] This decree was one of the causes for some 17,000 legal death sentences until the end of July 1794, an average of 370 per week – reason for historians to label those 10½ months 'the (Reign of) Terror'.[139][140]
On 19 September the Vendée rebels again defeated a Republican Convention army.[130] On 29 September, the Convention extended price limits from grain and bread to other household goods and established the Law of the Maximum, intended to prevent price gouging and supply food to the cities.[134]
On 1 October Barère repeated his plea to subdue the Vendée: "refuge of fanaticism, where priests have raised their altars…".[130] In October the Convention troops captured Lyon and reinstated a Montagnard government there.[129]
Criteria for bringing someone before the Revolutionary Tribunal, created March 1793, had always been vast and vague.[135] By August, political disagreement seemed enough to be summoned before the Tribunal; appeal against a Tribunal verdict was impossible.[129] Late August 1793, an army general had been guillotined on the accusation of choosing too timid strategies on the battlefield.[129] Mid-October, the widowed former queen Marie Antoinette was on trial for a long list of charges such as "teaching [her husband] Louis Capet the art of dissimulation" and incest with her son, she too was guillotined.[129] In October 1793, 21 former 'Girondins' Convention members who hadn't left Paris after June were convicted to death and executed, on the charge of verbally supporting the preparation of an insurrection in Caen by fellow-Girondins.[129]
Suppressing and retaliating the revolts
Mass shootings at Nantes in 1793
Shootings and massacres by the Infernal columns under Louis Marie Turreau
17 October 1793, the 'blue' Republican army near Cholet defeated the 'white' Vendéan insubordinate army and all surviving Vendée residents, counting in tens of thousands, fled over the river Loire north into Brittany.[130] A Convention's representative on mission in Nantes commissioned in October to pacify the region did so by simply drowning prisoners in the river Loire: until February 1794 he drowned at least 4,000.[135]
Meanwhile, the instalment of the Republican Calendar on 24 October 1793 caused an anti-clerical uprising. Hébert's and Chaumette's atheist movement campaigned to dechristianise society. The climax was reached with the celebration of the flame of Reason in Notre Dame Cathedral on 10 November.[141]
By November 1793, the revolts in Normandy, Bordeaux and Lyon were overcome, in December also that in Toulon.[129] Two representatives on mission sent to punish Lyon between November 1793 and April 1794 executed 2,000 people to death by guillotine or firing-squad.[135] The Vendéan army since October roaming through Brittany on 12 December 1793 again ran up against Republican troops and saw 10,000 of its rebels perish, meaning the end of this once threatening army.[135]
Some historians claim that after that Vendéan defeat Convention Republic armies in 1794 massacred 117,000 Vendéan civilians to obliterate the Vendéan people, but others contest that claim.[142] Some historians consider the total civil war to have lasted until 1796 with a toll of 170,000[143] or 450,000 lives.[144][145]
Because of the extremely brutal forms that the Republican repression took in many places, historians such as Reynald Secher have called the event a "genocide".[146][147][148] Historian François Furet concluded that the repression in the Vendee "not only revealed massacre and destruction on an unprecedented scale but also a zeal so violent that it has bestowed as its legacy much of the region's identity."[149]
Profuse executions
The guillotine became the tool for a string of executions. Louis XVI had already been guillotined before the start of the terror; Queen Marie Antoinette, Barnave, Bailly, Brissot and other leading Girondins, Philippe Égalité (despite his vote for the death of the King), Madame Roland and many others were executed by guillotine. The Revolutionary Tribunal summarily condemned thousands of people to death by the guillotine, while mobs beat other victims to death.
Nine emigrants go to the guillotine in 1793
At the peak of the terror, the slightest hint of counter-revolutionary thoughts or activities (or, as in the case of Jacques Hébert, revolutionary zeal exceeding that of those in power) could place one under suspicion, and trials did not always proceed according to contemporary standards of due process.[citation needed] Sometimes people died for their political opinions or actions, but many for little reason beyond mere suspicion, or because some others had a stake in getting rid of them.[citation needed] Most of the victims received an unceremonious trip to the guillotine in an open wooden cart (the tumbrel). In the rebellious provinces, the government representatives had unlimited authority and some engaged in extreme repressions and abuses. For example, Jean-Baptiste Carrier became notorious for the Noyades ("drownings") he organised in Nantes;[150] his conduct was judged unacceptable even by the Jacobin government and he was recalled.[151]
Guillotining politicians
Maximilien Robespierre, since July 1793 member of the Committee of Public Prosperity,[130] on 5 February 1794 in a speech in the Convention identified Jacques Hébert and his faction as "internal enemies" working toward the triumph of tyranny.[135] After a dubious trial Hébert and some allies, charged with counter-revolutionary activities,[152] were guillotined in March.[135]
On 5 April, again at the instigation of Robespierre, Danton, a moderate Montagnard, and 13 associated politicians, charged with counter-revolutionary activities,[152] were executed.[135] A week later again 19 politicians. This hushed the Convention deputies: if henceforth they disagreed with Robespierre they hardly dared to speak out.[135]
The Festival of the Supreme Being on 8 June 1794
On 7 June 1794, Robespierre advocated a new state religion and recommended the Convention acknowledge the existence of the "Supreme Being".[152] A law enacted on 10 June 1794 (22 Prairial II) further streamlined criminal procedures: if the Revolutionary Tribunal saw sufficient proof of someone being an "enemy of the people" a counsel for defence would not be allowed. The frequency of guillotine executions in Paris now rose from on average three a day to an average of 29 a day.[135]
Meanwhile, France's external wars were going well, with victories over Austrian and British troops in May and June 1794 opening up Belgium for French conquest.[135] But cooperation within the Committee of Public Prosperity, since April 1793 the de facto executive government, started to break down. On 29 June 1794, three colleagues of Robespierre at 'the Committee' called him a dictator in his face – Robespierre baffled left the meeting. This encouraged other Convention members to also defy Robespierre. On 26 July, a long and vague speech of Robespierre wasn't met with thunderous applause as usual but with hostility; some deputies yelled that Robespierre should have the courage to say which deputies he deemed necessary to be killed next, what Robespierre refused to do.[135]
In the Convention session of 27 July 1794 (9 Thermidor of Year II), Robespierre and his allies hardly managed to say a word as they were constantly interrupted by a row of critics such as Tallien, Billaud-Varenne, Vadier, Barère and acting president Thuriot. Finally, even Robespierre's own voice failed on him: it faltered at his last attempt to beg permission to speak.[135]
The execution of Robespierre on 28 July 1794 marked the end of the Reign of Terror.
A decree was adopted to arrest Robespierre, Saint-Just and Couthon. 28 July, they and 19 other leading Jacobins were beheaded. 29 July, again 70 Parisians were guillotined.[135]
Subsequently, the Law of 22 Prairial (10 June 1794) was repealed, and the 'Girondins' expelled from the Convention in June 1793, if not dead yet, were reinstated as Convention deputies.[153]
Disregarding the lower classes
After July 1794, the French government was dominated by 'Girondins', who indulged in revenge and violence and death sentences against people associated with the previous 'Jacobin'/'Montagnard' governments around Robespierre and Marat, in what was known as the White Terror.[154] The Jacobin Club was closed and banned.[155][156]
After July 1794, most civilians henceforth ignored the Republican calendar and returned to the traditional seven-day weeks. The government in a law of 21 February 1795 set steps of return to freedom of religion and reconciliation with the since 1790 refractory Catholic priests, but any religious signs outside churches or private homes, such as crosses, clerical garb, bell ringing, remained prohibited. When the people's enthousiasm for attending church grew to unexpected levels the government backed out and in October 1795 again, like in 1790, required all priests to swear oaths on the Republic.[153]
In the very cold winter of 1794–95, with the French army demanding more and more bread, same was getting scarce in Paris as was wood to keep houses warm, and in an echo of the October 1789 March on Versailles, on 1 April 1795 (12 Germinal III) a mostly female crowd marched on the Convention calling for bread. But no Convention member sympathized, they just told the women to return home. Again in May a crowd of 20,000 men and 40,000 women invaded the Convention and even killed a deputy in the halls, but again they failed to make the Convention take notice of the needs of the lower classes. Instead, the Convention banned women from all political assemblies, and deputies who had solidarized with this insurrection were sentenced to death: such allegiance between parliament and street fighting was no longer tolerated.[153]
Late 1794, France conquered present-day Belgium.[157] In January 1795 they subdued the Dutch Republic with full consent and cooperation of the influential Dutch patriottenbeweging ('patriots movement'), resulting in the Batavian Republic, a satellite and puppet state of France.[158][159] In April 1795, France concluded a peace agreement with Prussia,[160] later that year peace was agreed with Spain.[citation needed]
The Directory (1795–99)
Main article: French Directory
The Convention on 22 August 1795 approved the new "Constitution of the Year III". A French plebiscite ratified the document, with about 1,057,000 votes for the constitution and 49,000 against.[161] The results of the voting were announced on 23 September 1795, and the new constitution took effect on 27 September 1795.[161] The new constitution created the Directoire (English: Directory) with a bicameral legislature.
The first chamber was called the 'Council of 500' initiating the laws, the second the 'Council of Elders' reviewing and approving or not the passed laws. Each year, one-third of the chambers was to be renewed. The executive power was in the hands of the five members of the five directors of the Directory with a five-year mandate.[153]
The early directors did not much understand the nation they were governing; they especially had an innate inability to see Catholicism as anything else than counter-revolutionary and royalist. Local administrators had a better sense of people's priorities, and one of them wrote to the minister of the interior: "Give back the crosses, the church bells, the Sundays, and everyone will cry: ’vive la République!’"[153]
The Directory denounced the arbitrary executions of the Reign of Terror, but itself engaged in large scale illegal repressions, as well as large-scale massacres of civilians in the Vendee uprising. The economy continued in bad condition, with the poor especially hurt by the high cost of food.
State finances were in total disarray; the government could only cover its expenses through the plunder and the tribute of foreign countries. If peace were made, the armies would return home and the directors would have to face the exasperation of the rank-and-file who had lost their livelihood, as well as the ambition of generals who could, in a moment, brush them aside. Barras and Rewbell were notoriously corrupt themselves and screened corruption in others. The patronage of the directors was ill-bestowed, and the general maladministration heightened their unpopularity.[162]
A small French force tried to invade Britain in February 1797. This contemporary image shows troops landing near Fishguard in Wales. The troops were later forced to surrender.
The constitutional party in the legislature desired toleration of the nonjuring clergy, the repeal of the laws against the relatives of the émigrés, and some merciful discrimination towards the émigrés themselves. The directors baffled all such endeavours. On the other hand, the socialist conspiracy of Babeuf was easily quelled. Little was done to improve the finances, and the assignats continued to fall in value until each note was worth less than the paper it was printed on; debtors easily paid off their debts.[163] A series of financial reforms started by the Directory finally took effect after it fell from power.[citation needed]
Evaluation
Although committed to Republicanism, the Directory distrusted democracy.[citation needed] Historians have seldom praised the Directory; it was a government of self-interest rather than virtue, thus losing any claim on idealism. It never had a strong base of popular support; when elections were held, most of its candidates were defeated. Its achievements were minor.[164][165] Brown stresses the turn towards dictatorship and the failure of liberal democracy under the Directory, blaming it on, "chronic violence, ambivalent forms of justice, and repeated recourse to heavy-handed repression."[166]
General Napoleon and his troops crossing the bridge of Arcole in 1796
The election system was complex and designed to insulate the government from grass roots democracy. The parliament consisted of two houses: the Conseil des Cinq-Cents (Council of the Five Hundred) with 500 representatives, and the Conseil des Anciens (Council of Elders) with 250 senators. Executive power went to five "directors," named annually by the Conseil des Anciens from a list submitted by the Conseil des Cinq-Cents. The universal male suffrage of 1793 was replaced by limited suffrage based on property. The voters had only a limited choice because the electoral rules required two-thirds of the seats go to members of the old Convention, no matter how few popular votes they received.[167]
Citizens of the war-weary nation wanted stability, peace, and an end to conditions that at times bordered on chaos. Nevertheless, those on the right who wished to restore the monarchy by putting Louis XVIII on the throne, and those on the left who would have renewed the Reign of Terror, tried but failed to overthrow the Directory. The earlier atrocities had made confidence or goodwill between parties impossible.[168] The Directory régime met opposition from Jacobins on the left and royalists on the right (the latter were secretly subsidised by the British government). The army suppressed riots and counter-revolutionary activities. In this way the army and in particular Napoleon gained total power.[citation needed]
Coups d'état
Parliamentary elections in the spring of 1797, for one-third of the seats in Parliament, resulted in considerable gains for the royalists,[153] who seemed poised to take control of the Directory in the next elections. This frightened the republican directors and they reacted, in the Coup of 18 Fructidor V (4 September 1797), by purging all the winners banishing 57 leaders to certain death in Guiana, removing two supposedly pro-royalist directors, and closing 42 newspapers.
The new, 'corrected' government, still strongly convinced that Catholicism and royalism were equally dangerous to the Republic, started a fresh campaign to promote the Republican calendar (officially introduced in 1792), with its ten-day week, and tried to hallow the tenth day, décadi, as substitute for the Christian Sunday. Not only citizens opposed and even mocked such decrees, also local government officials refused to enforce such laws.[153]
Napoléon Bonaparte in the coup d'état of 18 Brumaire VIII (9 November 1799).
France was still waging wars, in 1798 in Egypt, Switzerland, Rome, Ireland, Belgium and against the U.S.A., in 1799 in Baden-Württemberg. When the elections of 1798 were again carried by the opposition, the Directory used the army to imprison and exile the opposition leaders and close their newspapers.[citation needed] Increasingly it depended on the Army in foreign and domestic affairs, as well as finance.
In 1799, when the French armies abroad experienced some setbacks, the newly chosen director Sieyes considered a new overhaul necessary for the Directory's form of government because in his opinion it needed a stronger executive. Together with successful general Napoleon Bonaparte who had just returned to France, Sieyes began preparing another coup d'état, which took place on 9–10 November 1799 (18–19 Brumaire VIII), replacing the five directors now with three "consuls": Napoleon, Sieyes, and Roger Ducos.[153] That coup some historians consider the closing of the specifically republican phase of the French Revolution.[169]
Exporting the Revolution
The Army at first was quite successful. It conquered Belgium and turned it into a province of France; conquered the Netherlands and made it a puppet state; and conquered Switzerland and most of Italy, setting up a series of puppet states. The result was glory for France and an infusion of much needed money from the conquered lands, which also provided direct support to the French Army. However, the enemies of France, led by Britain and funded by the inexhaustible British Treasury, formed a Second Coalition in 1799 (with Britain joined by Russia, the Ottoman Empire, and Austria). The allies scored a series of victories that rolled back French successes, retaking Italy, Switzerland and the Netherlands and ending the flow of payments from the conquered areas to France. The treasury was empty. Despite his publicity claiming many glorious victories, Napoleon's army was trapped in Egypt after the British sank the French fleet at the Battle of the Nile. Napoleon escaped by himself, returned to Paris and overthrew the Directory in November, 1799.[170][171]
French-Dutch victory under General Brune and General Daendels against the Russians and British in 1799
Napoleon conquered most of Italy in the name of the French Revolution in 1797–99. He consolidated old units and split up Austria's holdings. He set up a series of new republics, complete with new codes of law and abolition of old feudal privileges. Napoleon's Cisalpine Republic was centred on Milan. Genoa the city became a republic while its hinterland became the Ligurian Republic. The Roman Republic was formed out of the papal holdings and the pope was sent to France. The Neapolitan Republic was formed around Naples, but it lasted only five months before the enemy forces of the Coalition recaptured it. In 1805 Napoleon formed the Kingdom of Italy, with himself as king and his stepson as viceroy. In addition, France turned the Netherlands into the Batavian Republic, and Switzerland into the Helvetic Republic. All these new countries were satellites of France and had to pay large subsidies to Paris, as well as provide military support for Napoleon's wars. Their political and administrative systems were modernised, the metric system introduced, and trade barriers reduced. Jewish ghettos were abolished. Belgium and Piedmont became integral parts of France.[172]
Most of the new nations were abolished and returned to prewar owners in 1814. However, Artz emphasises the benefits the Italians gained from the French Revolution:
For nearly two decades the Italians had the excellent codes of law, a fair system of taxation, a better economic situation, and more religious and intellectual toleration than they had known for centuries... Everywhere old physical, economic, and intellectual barriers had been thrown down and the Italians had begun to be aware of a common nationality.[173]
Media and symbolism
Main article: Symbolism in the French Revolution
Newspapers
A copy of L'Ami du peuple stained with the blood of Marat
In the Old regime there were a small number of heavily censored newspapers that needed a royal licence to operate. Newspapers and pamphlets played a central role in stimulating and defining the Revolution. The meetings of the Estates-General in 1789 created an enormous demand for news, and over 130 newspapers appeared by the end of the year. Among the most significant of these newspapers in 1789 were Marat's L'Ami du peuple and Elysée Loustallot's Revolutions de Paris. The next decade saw 2000 newspapers founded, with 500 in Paris alone. Most lasted only a matter of weeks. Together they became the main communication medium, combined with the very large pamphlet literature.[174] Newspapers were read aloud in taverns and clubs, and circulated hand to hand. The press saw its lofty role to be the advancement of civic republicanism based on public service, and downplayed the liberal, individualistic goal of making a profit.[175][176][177][178] By 1793 the radicals were most active but at the start the royalists flooded the country with their press the "Ami du Roi" (Friends of the King) until they were suppressed.[179] Napoleon only allowed four newspapers, all under tight control.
Symbolism
Symbolism was a device to distinguish the main features of the Revolution and ensure public identification and support. In order to effectively illustrate the differences between the new Republic and the old regime, the leaders needed to implement a new set of symbols to be celebrated instead of the old religious and monarchical symbolism. To this end, symbols were borrowed from historic cultures and redefined, while those of the old regime were either destroyed or reattributed acceptable characteristics. These revised symbols were used to instil in the public a new sense of tradition and reverence for the Enlightenment and the Republic.[180]
La Marseillaise
Main article: La Marseillaise
Rouget de Lisle, composer of the Marseillaise, sings it for the first time in 1792
La Marseillaise
The French national anthem La Marseillaise; text in French.
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"La Marseillaise" (French pronunciation: [la maʁsɛjɛz]) became the national anthem of France. The song was written and composed in 1792 by Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle, and was originally titled "Chant de guerre pour l'Armée du Rhin". The French National Convention adopted it as the First Republic's anthem in 1795. It acquired its nickname after being sung in Paris by volunteers from Marseille marching on the capital.
The song is the first example of the "European march" anthemic style. The anthem's evocative melody and lyrics have led to its widespread use as a song of revolution and its incorporation into many pieces of classical and popular music. Cerulo says, "the design of "La Marseillaise" is credited to General Strasburg of France, who is said to have directed de Lisle, the composer of the anthem, to 'produce one of those hymns which conveys to the soul of the people the enthusiasm which it (the music) suggests.'"[181]
English cartoon attacking the excesses of the Revolution as symbolised by the guillotine; between 18,000 and 40,000 people were executed during the Reign of Terror
Guillotine
Main article: Guillotine
Hanson notes, "The guillotine stands as the principal symbol of the Terror in the French Revolution."[182] Invented by a physician during the Revolution as a quicker, more efficient and more distinctive form of execution, the guillotine became a part of popular culture and historic memory. It was celebrated on the left as the people's avenger and cursed as the symbol of the Reign of Terror by the right.[183] Its operation became a popular entertainment that attracted great crowds of spectators. Vendors sold programmes listing the names of those scheduled to die. Many people came day after day and vied for the best locations from which to observe the proceedings; knitting women (tricoteuses) formed a cadre of hardcore regulars, inciting the crowd. Parents often brought their children. By the end of the Terror, the crowds had thinned drastically. Repetition had staled even this most grisly of entertainments, and audiences grew bored.[184]
What it is that horrifies people changes over time. Doyle comments:
Even the unique horror of the guillotine has been dwarfed by the gas chambers of the Holocaust, the organized brutality of the gulag, the mass intimidation of Mao's cultural revolution, or the killing fields of Cambodia.[185]
Tricolore cockade
Main article: tricolore cockade
Cockades were widely worn by revolutionaries beginning in 1789. They now pinned the blue-and-red cockade of Paris onto the white cockade of the Ancien Régime – thus producing the original Tricolore cockade. Later, distinctive colours and styles of cockade would indicate the wearer's faction—although the meanings of the various styles were not entirely consistent, and varied somewhat by region and period.
The tricolour cockade, created in July 1789. White was added to "nationalise" an earlier blue and red design.
The tricolour flag is derived from the cockades used in the 1790s. These were circular rosette-like emblems attached to the hat. Camille Desmoulins asked his followers to wear green cockades on 12 July 1789. The Paris militia, formed on 13 July, adopted a blue and red cockade. Blue and red are the traditional colours of Paris, and they are used on the city's coat of arms. Cockades with various colour schemes were used during the storming of the Bastille on 14 July.[186] The blue and red cockade was presented to King Louis XVI at the Hôtel de Ville on 17 July. Lafayette argued for the addition of a white stripe to "nationalise" the design.[187] On 27 July, a tricolour cockade was adopted as part of the uniform of the National Guard, the national police force that succeeded the militia.[188]
Well after the revolution, by 1912 the French Third Republic had authorised the form of the tricolore cockade for use on its military aircraft by the Aeronautique Militaire as a national insignia,[189] the first-ever in use worldwide – it is still in use by the current Armee de l'Air of France, and directly inspired the use of similar roundel insignia by the United Kingdom and many other nations worldwide.
Fasces
The unofficial but common National Emblem of France is backed by a fasces, representing justice.
Fasces are Roman in origin and suggest Roman Republicanism. Fasces are a bundle of birch rods containing an axe. The French Republic continued this Roman symbol to represent state power, justice, and unity.[180]
Liberty cap
Early depiction of the tricolour in the hands of a sans-culotte
The Liberty cap, also known as the Phrygian cap, or pileus, is a brimless, felt cap that is conical in shape with the tip pulled forward. It reflects Roman republicanism and liberty, alluding to the Roman ritual of manumission of slaves, in which a freed slave receives the bonnet as a symbol of his newfound liberty.[190]
Role of women
Main articles: Women in the French Revolution and Militant feminism in the French Revolution
Club of patriotic women in a church
Historians since the late 20th century have debated how women shared in the French Revolution and what long-term impact it had on French women. Women had no political rights in pre-Revolutionary France; they were considered "passive" citizens; forced to rely on men to determine what was best for them. That changed dramatically in theory as there seemingly were great advances in feminism. Feminism emerged in Paris as part of a broad demand for social and political reform. The women demanded equality for men and then moved on to a demand for the end of male domination. Their chief vehicle for agitation were pamphlets and women's clubs, but the clubs were abolished in October 1793 and their leaders were arrested. The movement was crushed. Devance explains the decision in terms of the emphasis on masculinity in a wartime situation, Marie Antoinette's bad reputation for feminine interference in state affairs, and traditional male supremacy.[191] A decade later the Napoleonic Code confirmed and perpetuated women's second-class status.[192]
When the Revolution opened, groups of women acted forcefully, making use of the volatile political climate. Women forced their way into the political sphere. They swore oaths of loyalty, "solemn declarations of patriotic allegiance, [and] affirmations of the political responsibilities of citizenship." De Corday d'Armont is a prime example of such a woman; engaged in the revolutionary political faction of the Girondins, she assassinated the Jacobin leader, Marat. Throughout the Revolution, other women such as Pauline Léon and her Society of Revolutionary Republican Women supported the radical Jacobins, staged demonstrations in the National Assembly and participated in the riots, often using armed force.[193]
The March to Versailles is but one example of feminist militant activism during the French Revolution. While largely left out of the thrust for increasing rights of citizens, as the question was left indeterminate in the Declaration of the Rights of Man,[194] activists such as Pauline Léon and Théroigne de Méricourt agitated for full citizenship for women.[195] Women were, nonetheless, "denied political rights of 'active citizenship' (1791) and democratic citizenship (1793)."[194]
On 20 June 1792 a number of armed women took part in a procession that "passed through the halls of the Legislative Assembly, into the Tuileries Gardens, and then through the King's residence."[196] Militant women also assumed a special role in the funeral of Marat, following his murder on 13 July 1793. As part of the funeral procession, they carried the bathtub in which Marat had been murdered (by a counter-revolutionary woman) as well as a shirt stained with Marat's blood.[197] On 20 May 1793 women were at the fore of a crowd that demanded "bread and the Constitution of 1793." When their cries went unnoticed, the women went on a rampage, "sacking shops, seizing grain and kidnapping officials."[198]
Olympe de Gouges was the author of the Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen in 1791.
The Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, a militant group on the far left, demanded a law in 1793 that would compel all women to wear the tricolour cockade to demonstrate their loyalty to the Republic. They also demanded vigorous price controls to keep bread – the major food of the poor people – from becoming too expensive. After the Convention passage law in September 1793, the Revolutionary Republican Women demanded vigorous enforcement, but were counted by market women, former servants, and religious women who adamantly opposed price controls (which would drive them out of business ) and resented attacks on the aristocracy and on religion. Fist fights broke out in the streets between the two factions of women.
Meanwhile, the men who controlled the Jacobins rejected the Revolutionary Republican Women as dangerous rabble-rousers. At this point the Jacobins controlled the government; they dissolved the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, and decreed that all women's clubs and associations were illegal. They sternly reminded women to stay home and tend to their families by leaving public affairs to the men. Organised women were permanently shut out of the French Revolution after October 30, 1793.[199]
Prominent women
Olympe de Gouges wrote a number of plays, short stories, and novels. Her publications emphasised that women and men are different, but this shouldn't stop them from equality under the law. In her "Declaration on the Rights of Woman" she insisted that women deserved rights, especially in areas concerning them directly, such as divorce and recognition of illegitimate children.[200]
Madame Roland (a.k.a. Manon or Marie Roland) was another important female activist. Her political focus was not specifically on women or their liberation. She focused on other aspects of the government, but was a feminist by virtue of the fact that she was a woman working to influence the world. Her personal letters to leaders of the Revolution influenced policy; in addition, she often hosted political gatherings of the Brissotins, a political group which allowed women to join. As she was led to the scaffold, Madame Roland shouted "O liberty! What crimes are committed in thy name!"[201]
Most of these activists were punished for their actions. Many of the women of the Revolution were even publicly executed for "conspiring against the unity and the indivisibility of the Republic".[202]
Counter-revolutionary women
A major aspect of the French Revolution was the dechristianisation movement, a movement strongly rejected by many devout people. Especially for women living in rural areas of France, the closing of the churches meant a loss of normalcy.[203]
When these revolutionary changes to the Church were implemented, it sparked a counter-revolutionary movement among women. Although some of these women embraced the political and social amendments of the Revolution, they opposed the dissolution of the Catholic Church and the formation of revolutionary cults like the Cult of the Supreme Being.[204] As Olwen Hufton argues, these women began to see themselves as the "defenders of faith".[205] They took it upon themselves to protect the Church from what they saw as a heretical change to their faith, enforced by revolutionaries.
Counter-revolutionary women resisted what they saw as the intrusion of the state into their lives.[206] Economically, many peasant women refused to sell their goods for assignats because this form of currency was unstable and was backed by the sale of confiscated Church property. By far the most important issue to counter-revolutionary women was the passage and the enforcement of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy in 1790. In response to this measure, women in many areas began circulating anti-oath pamphlets and refused to attend masses held by priests who had sworn oaths of loyalty to the Republic. These women continued to adhere to traditional practices such as Christian burials and naming their children after saints in spite of revolutionary decrees to the contrary.[207]
Economic policies
Early Assignat of 29 Sept, 1790: 500 livres
The value of Assignats (1789–96)
The French Revolution abolished many of the constraints on the economy that had slowed growth during the ancien regime. It abolished tithes owed to local churches as well as feudal dues owed to local landlords. The result hurt the tenants, who paid both higher rents and higher taxes.[208] It nationalised all church lands, as well as lands belonging to royalist enemies who went into exile. It planned to use these seized lands to finance the government by issuing assignats. It abolished the guild system as a worthless remnant of feudalism.[209] It also abolished the highly inefficient system of tax farming, whereby private individuals would collect taxes for a hefty fee. The government seized the foundations that had been set up (starting in the 13th century) to provide an annual stream of revenue for hospitals, poor relief, and education. The state sold the lands but typically local authorities did not replace the funding and so most of the nation's charitable and school systems were massively disrupted.[210]
The economy did poorly in 1790–96 as industrial and agricultural output dropped, foreign trade plunged, and prices soared. The government decided not to repudiate the old debts. Instead it issued more and more paper money (called "assignat") that supposedly were grounded seized lands. The result was escalating inflation. The government imposed price controls and persecuted speculators and traders in the black market. People increasingly refused to pay taxes as the annual government deficit increased from 10% of gross national product in 1789 to 64% in 1793. By 1795, after the bad harvest of 1794 and the removal of price controls, inflation had reached a level of 3500%. The assignats were withdrawn in 1796 but the replacements also fuelled inflation. The inflation was finally ended by Napoleon in 1803 with the franc as the new currency.[211]
Napoleon after 1799 paid for his expensive wars by multiple means, starting with the modernisation of the rickety financial system.[212] He conscripted soldiers at low wages, raised taxes, placed large-scale loans, sold lands formerly owned by the Catholic Church, sold Louisiana to the United States, plundered conquered areas and seized food supplies, and levied requisitions on countries he controlled, such as Italy.[213]
Long-term impact
Main article: Influence of the French Revolution
The French Revolution had a major impact on Europe and the New World, decisively changing the course of human history.[214][215] It brought an end to feudalism and made a path for future advances in broadly defined individual freedoms.[2][3][4]
Otto Dann and John Dinwiddy report, "It has long been almost a truism of European history that the French Revolution gave a great stimulus to the growth of modern nationalism."[216] Nationalism was emphasised by historian Carlton J. H. Hayes as a major result of the French Revolution across Europe. The impact on French nationalism was profound. For example, Napoleon became such a heroic symbol of the nation that the glory was easily picked up by his nephew, who was overwhelmingly elected president (and later became Emperor Napoleon III).[217] The influence was great in the hundreds of small German states and elsewhere, where it was either inspired by the French example or in reaction against it.[218][219]
France
The changes in France were enormous; some were widely accepted and others were bitterly contested into the late 20th century.[220] Before the Revolution, the people had little power or voice. The kings had so thoroughly centralised the system that most nobles spent their time at Versailles, and thus played only a small direct role in their home districts. Thompson says that the kings had "ruled by virtue of their personal wealth, their patronage of the nobility, their disposal of ecclesiastical offices, their provincial governors (intendants) their control over the judges and magistrates, and their command of the Army."[221]
After the first year of revolution, the power of the king had been stripped away, he was left a mere figurehead, the nobility had lost all their titles and most of their land, the Church lost its monasteries and farmlands, bishops, judges and magistrates were elected by the people, and the army was almost helpless, with military power in the hands of the new revolutionary National Guard. The central elements of 1789 were the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity' and "The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen", which Lefebvre calls "the incarnation of the Revolution as a whole."[222]
The long-term impact on France was profound, shaping politics, society, religion and ideas, and polarising politics for more than a century. Historian François Aulard writes:
From the social point of view, the Revolution consisted in the suppression of what was called the feudal system, in the emancipation of the individual, in greater division of landed property, the abolition of the privileges of noble birth, the establishment of equality, the simplification of life.... The French Revolution differed from other revolutions in being not merely national, for it aimed at benefiting all humanity."[223]
Religion and charity
The most heated controversy was over the status of the Catholic Church.[224] From a dominant position in 1788, it was almost destroyed in less than a decade, its priests and nuns turned out, its leaders dead or in exile, its property controlled by its enemies, and a strong effort underway to remove all influence of Christian religiosity, such as Sundays, holy days, saints, prayers, rituals and ceremonies. The movement to dechristianise France not only failed but aroused a furious reaction among the pious.[225][226] Napoleon's Concordat was a compromise that restored some of the Catholic Church's traditional roles but not its power, its lands or its monasteries. Priests and bishops were given salaries as part of a department of government controlled by Paris, not Rome. Protestants and Jews gained equal rights.[227] Battles over the role of religion in the public sphere, and closely related issues such as church-controlled schools, that were opened by the Revolution have never seen closure. They raged into the 20th century. By the 21st century, angry debates exploded over the presence of any Muslim religious symbols in schools, such as the headscarves for which Muslim girls could be expelled. J. Christopher Soper and Joel S. Fetzer explicitly link the conflict over religious symbols in public to the French Revolution, when the target was Catholic rituals and symbols.[228]
The revolutionary government seized the charitable foundations that had been set up (starting in the 13th century) to provide an annual stream of revenue for hospitals, poor relief, and education. The state sold the lands but typically local authorities did not replace the funding and so most of the nation's charitable and school systems were massively disrupted.[210]
In the ancien regime, new opportunities for nuns as charitable practitioners were created by devout nobles on their own estates. The nuns provided comprehensive care for the sick poor on their patrons' estates, not only acting as nurses, but taking on expanded roles as physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries. During the Revolution, most of the orders of nuns were shut down and there was no organised nursing care to replace them.[229] However, the demand for their nursing services remained strong, and after 1800 the sisters reappeared and resumed their work in hospitals and on rural estates. They were tolerated by officials because they had widespread support and were the link between elite male physicians and distrustful peasants who needed help.[230]
Economics
Two thirds of France was employed in agriculture, which was transformed by the Revolution. With the breakup of large estates controlled by the Church and the nobility and worked by hired hands, rural France became more a land of small independent farms. Harvest taxes were ended, such as the tithe and seigneurial dues, much to the relief of the peasants. Primogeniture was ended both for nobles and peasants, thereby weakening the family patriarch. Because all the children had a share in the family's property, there was a declining birth rate.[231][232] Cobban says the revolution bequeathed to the nation "a ruling class of landowners."[233]
In the cities, entrepreneurship on a small scale flourished, as restrictive monopolies, privileges, barriers, rules, taxes and guilds gave way. However, the British blockade virtually ended overseas and colonial trade, hurting the port cities and their supply chains. Overall, the Revolution did not greatly change the French business system, and probably helped freeze in place the horizons of the small business owner. The typical businessman owned a small store, mill or shop, with family help and a few paid employees; large-scale industry was less common than in other industrialising nations.[234]
A 2017 National Bureau of Economic Research paper found that the emigration of more than 100,000 individuals (predominantly supporters of the Old Regime) during the Revolution had a significant negative impact on income per capita in the 19th century (due to the fragmentation of agricultural holdings) but became positive in the second half of the 20th century onward (because it facilitated the rise in human capital investments).[235] Another 2017 paper found that the redistribution of land had a positive impact on agricultural productivity, but that these gains gradually declined over the course of the 19th century.[236][237]
Constitutionalism
The Revolution meant an end to arbitrary royal rule and held out the promise of rule by law under a constitutional order, but it did not rule out a monarch. Napoleon as emperor set up a constitutional system (although he remained in full control), and the restored Bourbons were forced to go along with one. After the abdication of Napoleon III in 1871, the monarchists probably had a voting majority, but they were so factionalised they could not agree on who should be king, and instead the French Third Republic was launched with a deep commitment to upholding the ideals of the Revolution.[238][239] The conservative Catholic enemies of the Revolution came to power in Vichy France (1940–44), and tried with little success to undo its heritage, but they kept it a republic. Vichy denied the principle of equality and tried to replace the Revolutionary watchwords "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" with "Work, Family, and Fatherland." However, there were no efforts by the Bourbons, Vichy or anyone else to restore the privileges that had been stripped away from the nobility in 1789. France permanently became a society of equals under the law.[240]
Communism
The Jacobin cause was picked up by Marxists in the mid-19th century and became an element of communist thought around the world. In the Soviet Union, "Gracchus" Babeuf was regarded as a hero.[241]
Outside France
Main article: Influence of the French Revolution
Economic historians Dan Bogart, Mauricio Drelichman, Oscar Gelderblom, and Jean-Laurent Rosenthal described codified law as the French Revolution's "most significant export." They wrote, "While restoration returned most of their power to the absolute monarchs who had been deposed by Napoleon, only the most recalcitrant ones, such as Ferdinand VII of Spain, went to the trouble of completely reversing the legal innovations brought on by the French."[242] They also note that the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars caused England, Spain, Prussia and the Dutch Republic to centralize their fiscal systems to an unprecedented extent in order to finance the military campaigns of the Napoleonic Wars.[242]
According to Daron Acemoglu, Davide Cantoni, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson the French Revolution had long-term effects in Europe. They suggest that "areas that were occupied by the French and that underwent radical institutional reform experienced more rapid urbanization and economic growth, especially after 1850. There is no evidence of a negative effect of French invasion."[243]
A 2016 study in the European Economic Review found that the areas of Germany that were occupied by France in the 19th century and in which the Code Napoleon was applied have higher levels of trust and cooperation today.[244]
Britain
On July 16, 1789, two days after the Storming of the Bastille, John Frederick Sackville, serving as ambassador to France, reported to Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Francis Osborne, 5th Duke of Leeds, "Thus, my Lord, the greatest revolution that we know anything of has been effected with, comparatively speaking—if the magnitude of the event is considered—the loss of very few lives. From this moment we may consider France as a free country, the King a very limited monarch, and the nobility as reduced to a level with the rest of the nation.[245]" Yet Britain saw minority support while the majority, and especially the among aristocracy, strongly opposed the French Revolution. Britain led and funded the series of coalitions that fought France from 1793 to 1815, and then restored the Bourbons.
Philosophically, there was a significant debate internally, regarding the revolution, including the Revolution Controversy, a "pamphlet war" set off by the publication of Richard Price's speech, A Discourse on the Love of Our Country, supporting the French Revolution (as he had the American Revolution), and saying that patriotism actually centers around loving the people and principles of a nation, not its ruling class. Edmund Burke responded with his own pamphlet, Reflections on the Revolution in France, attacking the French Revolution as a threat to the aristocracy of all countries.[246][247] William Coxe opposed Price's premise that one's country is principles and people, not the State itself.[248]
Conversely, two seminal political pieces of political history were written in Price's favor, supporting the general right of the French people to replace their State, Rights of Man by Thomas Paine, and A Vindication of the Rights of Men by Mary Wollstonecraft, who followed this with what is sometimes described as the first feminist text, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. In 1792 Christopher Wyvill published Defence of Dr. Price and the Reformers of England, a plea for reform and moderation.[249]
This exchange of ideas has been described as "one of the great political debates in British history".[250] Even in France, there was a varying degree of agreement during this debate, English participants generally opposing the violent means that the Revolution bent itself to for its ends.[251]
In Ireland, the effect was to transform what had been an attempt by Protestant settlers to gain some autonomy into a mass movement led by the Society of United Irishmen involving Catholics and Protestants. It stimulated the demand for further reform throughout Ireland, especially in Ulster. The upshot was a revolt in 1798, led by Wolfe Tone, that was crushed by Britain.[252]
Germany
German reaction to the Revolution swung from favourable to antagonistic. At first it brought liberal and democratic ideas, the end of gilds, serfdom and the Jewish ghetto. It brought economic freedoms and agrarian and legal reform. Above all the antagonism helped stimulate and shape German nationalism.[253]
Switzerland
Main article: Helvetic Republic
The French invaded Switzerland and turned it into an ally known as the "Helvetic Republic" (1798–1803). The interference with localism and traditional liberties was deeply resented, although some modernising reforms took place.[254][255]
Belgium
Main article: French period
The Brabant Revolution broke out in the Austrian Netherlands in October 1789, inspired by the revolution in neighbouring France, but had collapsed by the end of 1790
The region of modern-day Belgium was divided between two polities: the Austrian Netherlands and Prince-Bishopric of Liège. Both territories experienced revolutions in 1789. In the Austrian Netherlands, the Brabant Revolution succeeded in expelling Austrian forces and established the new United Belgian States. The Liège Revolution expelled the tyrannical Prince-Bishop and installed a republic. Both failed to attract international support. By December 1790, the Brabant revolution had been crushed and Liège was subdued the following year.
During the Revolutionary Wars, the French invaded and occupied the region between 1794 and 1814, a time known as the French period. The new government enforced new reforms, incorporating the region into France itself. New rulers were sent in by Paris. Belgian men were drafted into the French wars and heavily taxed. Nearly everyone was Catholic, but the Church was repressed. Resistance was strong in every sector, as Belgian nationalism emerged to oppose French rule. The French legal system, however, was adopted, with its equal legal rights, and abolition of class distinctions. Belgium now had a government bureaucracy selected by merit.[256]
Antwerp regained access to the sea and grew quickly as a major port and business centre. France promoted commerce and capitalism, paving the way for the ascent of the bourgeoisie and the rapid growth of manufacturing and mining. In economics, therefore, the nobility declined while the middle class Belgian entrepreneurs flourished because of their inclusion in a large market, paving the way for Belgium's leadership role after 1815 in the Industrial Revolution on the Continent.[257][258]
Scandinavia
Main article: History of Denmark § Reforms
The Kingdom of Denmark adopted liberalising reforms in line with those of the French Revolution, with no direct contact. Reform was gradual and the regime itself carried out agrarian reforms that had the effect of weakening absolutism by creating a class of independent peasant freeholders. Much of the initiative came from well-organised liberals who directed political change in the first half of the 19th century.[259]
United States
The Revolution deeply polarised American politics, and this polarisation led to the creation of the First Party System. In 1793, as war broke out in Europe, the Republican Party led by Thomas Jefferson favoured France and pointed to the 1778 treaty that was still in effect. George Washington and his unanimous cabinet, including Jefferson, decided that the treaty did not bind the United States to enter the war. Washington proclaimed neutrality instead.[260] Under President John Adams, a Federalist, an undeclared naval war took place with France from 1798 until 1799, often called the "Quasi War". Jefferson became president in 1801, but was hostile to Napoleon as a dictator and emperor. However, the two entered negotiations over the Louisiana Territory and agreed to the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, an acquisition that substantially increased the size of the United States.
Historiography
Main article: Historiography of the French Revolution
The French Revolution has received enormous amounts of historical attention, both from the general public and from scholars and academics. The views of historians, in particular, have been characterised as falling along ideological lines, with disagreement over the significance and the major developments of the Revolution.[261] Alexis de Tocqueville argued that the Revolution was a manifestation of a more prosperous middle class becoming conscious of its social importance.[262]
Other thinkers, like the conservative Edmund Burke, maintained that the Revolution was the product of a few conspiratorial individuals who brainwashed the masses into subverting the old order—a claim rooted in the belief that the revolutionaries had no legitimate complaints.[263] Other historians, influenced by Marxist thinking, have emphasised the importance of the peasants and the urban workers in presenting the Revolution as a gigantic class struggle.[264] In general, scholarship on the French Revolution initially studied the political ideas and developments of the era, but it has gradually shifted towards social history that analyses the impact of the Revolution on individual lives.[265]
Historians until the late 20th century emphasised class conflicts from a largely Marxist perspective as the fundamental driving cause of the Revolution.[266] The central theme of this argument was that the Revolution emerged from the rising bourgeoisie, with support from the sans-culottes, who fought to destroy the aristocracy.[267] However, Western scholars largely abandoned Marxist interpretations in the 1990s. By the year 2000 many historians were saying that the field of the French Revolution was in intellectual disarray. The old model or paradigm focusing on class conflict has been discredited, and no new explanatory model had gained widespread support.[268][269] Nevertheless, as Spang has shown, there persists a very widespread agreement to the effect that the French Revolution was the watershed between the premodern and modern eras of Western history.[268]
Historians widely regard the Revolution as one of the most important events in history. It marks the end of the early modern period, which started around 1500 and is often seen as marking the "dawn of the modern era".[270] Within France itself, the Revolution permanently crippled the power of the aristocracy and drained the wealth of the Church, although the two institutions survived despite the damage they sustained. After the collapse of the First Empire in 1815, the French public lost the rights and privileges earned since the Revolution, but they remembered the participatory politics that characterised the period, with one historian commenting: "Thousands of men and even many women gained firsthand experience in the political arena: they talked, read, and listened in new ways; they voted; they joined new organisations; and they marched for their political goals. Revolution became a tradition, and republicanism an enduring option."[271]
Some historians argue that the French people underwent a fundamental transformation in self-identity, evidenced by the elimination of privileges and their replacement by rights as well as the growing decline in social deference that highlighted the principle of equality throughout the Revolution.[272] The Revolution represented the most significant and dramatic challenge to political absolutism up to that point in history and spread democratic ideals throughout Europe and ultimately the world.[273] Throughout the 19th Century, the revolution was heavily analysed by economists and political scientists, who saw the class nature of the revolution as a fundamental aspect in understanding human social evolution itself. This, combined with the egalitarian values introduced by the revolution, gave rise to a classless and co-operative model for society called "socialism" which profoundly influenced future revolutions in France and around the world.
See also
Timeline of the French Revolution
Glossary of the French Revolution for definitions of technical terms
List of people associated with the French Revolution
History of France
Paris in the 18th Century
Political groups during the French Revolution
Main article: List of political groups in the French Revolution
Jacobins
Cordeliers
Feuillants
Society of the Friends of Truth
Montagnards
Girondins
Notes
Jump up ^ Livesey, James. Making Democracy in the French Revolution p. 19 The Revolution created and elaborated...the ideal of democracy, which forms the creative tension with the notion of sovereignty that informs the functioning of modern democratic liberal states. This was the truly original contribution of the Revolution to modern political culture.
^ Jump up to: a b Linda S. Frey and Marsha L. Frey, The French Revolution (2004), Foreword.
^ Jump up to: a b R.R. Palmer and Joel Colton, A History of the Modern World (5th ed. 1978), p. 341
^ Jump up to: a b Ferenc Fehér, The French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity, (1990) pp. 117–30
Jump up ^ Tombs, Robert and Isabelle. That Sweet Enemy: The French and the British from the Sun King to the Present. Random House (2007) ISBN 978-1-4000-4024-7. p. 179.
Jump up ^ Matusitz, Jonathan Symbolism in Terrorism: Motivation, Communication, and Behavior, p. 19
Jump up ^ Palmer, R.R. & Colton, Joel. A History of the Modern World, pp. 393–97
Jump up ^ Palmer, R.R. & Colton, Joel. A History of the Modern World, p. 361
Jump up ^ Dmitry Shlapentokh, The French Revolution and the Russian Anti-Democratic Tradition (Edison, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997), pp. 220–28
Jump up ^ A. Aulard in Arthur Tilley, ed. (1922). Modern France. A Companion to French Studies. Cambridge UP. p. 115. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ Bell, David Avrom (2007). The First Total War: Napoleon's Europe and the Birth of Warfare as We Know It. New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 51. ISBN 0-618-34965-0.
Jump up ^ Suzanne Desan et al. eds. The French Revolution in Global Perspective (2013), pp. 3, 8, 10
Jump up ^ Marshall, Thomas H. Citizenship and social class. Vol. 11. Cambridge, 1950.
Jump up ^ Lichbach, Mark Irving. "An evaluation of 'does economic inequality breed political conflict?' studies". World Politics 41.04 (1989): 431–70.
Jump up ^ Gordon, Daniel. Citizens without Sovereignty: Equality and sociability in French thought, 1670–1789. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.
^ Jump up to: a b Sargent, Thomas J., and Francois R. Velde. "Macroeconomic features of the French Revolution." Journal of Political Economy (1995): 474–518.
Jump up ^ Hardman, John. French politics 1774–1789: from the accession of Louis XVI to the fall of the Bastille. Addison-Wesley, 1995.
Jump up ^ Baker, Keith Michael. "French political thought at the accession of Louis XVI". The Journal of Modern History (1978): 279–303.
Jump up ^ David P. Jordan (1 January 2004). The King's Trial: The French Revolution Vs. Louis XVI. University of California Press. pp. 11–. ISBN 978-0-520-23697-4.
Jump up ^ Campbell, Peter Robert, ed. The origins of the French revolution. Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
^ Jump up to: a b c Blanning, T.C.W. The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash?, London: Macmillan, 1998 p. 26.
Jump up ^ Blanning, T.C.W. The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash?, London: Macmillan, 1998 pp. 26–27.
^ Jump up to: a b Blanning, T.C.W. The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash?, London: Macmillan, 1998 p. 27.
Jump up ^ Blanning, T.C.W. The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash?, London: Macmillan, 1998 p. 28.
Jump up ^ Blanning, T.C.W. The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash?, London: Macmillan, 1998 p. 29.
Jump up ^ Blanning, T.C.W. The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash?, London: Macmillan, 1998 pp. 26–27
Jump up ^ Blanning, T.C.W. The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash?, London: Macmillan, 1998 pp. 29–30.
Jump up ^ Cormack, William S. Revolution and Political Conflict in the French Navy 1789–1794. Cambridge University Press, 2002.
^ Jump up to: a b William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (2nd ed. 2003), pp. 45–49, 76–77
Jump up ^ De Tocqueville, Alexis, François Furet, and Françoise Mélonio. The Old Regime and the Revolution, Volume II: Notes on the French Revolution and Napoleon. Vol. 2. University of Chicago Press, 2001.
Jump up ^ Tilly, Louise A. "Food entitlement, famine, and conflict". Journal of Interdisciplinary History (1983): 333–49.
Jump up ^ Hufton, Olwen. "Social conflict and the grain supply in eighteenth-century France". Journal of interdisciplinary history (1983): 303–31.
Jump up ^ Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (2003), pp. 73–74
Jump up ^ Martin, Henri. History of the Decline and Fall of the French monarchy Volume II (1866) p. 481
Jump up ^ Frey, p. 3
Jump up ^ "France's Financial Crisis: 1783–1788". Retrieved 26 October 2008.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Hibbert, pp. 35, 36
Jump up ^ Frey, p. 2
Jump up ^ Doyle, The French Revolution: A very short introduction, p. 34
Jump up ^ Doyle 2003, p. 93
Jump up ^ William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (1989) p. 59
Jump up ^ Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (1989) pp. 99–101
Jump up ^ Albert Soboul, The French Revolution 1787–1799 (1975) pp. 127–29.
Jump up ^ Frey, pp. 4, 5
Jump up ^ Doyle 2001, p. 38
Jump up ^ Neely, pp. 63, 65
Jump up ^ Neely, p. 56
Jump up ^ Furet, p. 45
Jump up ^ Hibbert, p. 54
Jump up ^ John Hall Stewart. A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution. (1951), p. 86.
Jump up ^ Schama 2004, p. 303
Jump up ^ Schama 2004, p.312
Jump up ^ Schama 2004, p.317
Jump up ^ Schama 2004, p. 331
Jump up ^ Schama 2004, p. 344
Jump up ^ Schama 2004, p. 357
Jump up ^ Georges Lefebvre, The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793 (1952) pp. 187–88.
Jump up ^ Hibbert, 93
^ Jump up to: a b (in Dutch) Niek Pas – De geschiedenis van Frankrijk in een notendop (The history of France in a nutshell). Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 2008. Chapter 4 (pages 49–62): Revolutie en Keizerrijk (Revolution and Empire).
^ Jump up to: a b c (in Dutch) Noah Shusterman – De Franse Revolutie (The French Revolution). Veen Media, Amsterdam, 2015. (Translation of: The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London/New York, 2014.) Chapter 3 (p. 95–139) : The Civil Constitution of the Clergy (summer 1790–spring 1791).
Jump up ^ François Furet, "Night of August 4," in François Furet, and Mona Ozouf, eds. A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (1989) pp. 107–14.
Jump up ^ The buying and selling of high office.
Jump up ^ Lefebvre, Georges (1962). The French Revolution: Vol. 1, from Its Origins To 1793. Columbia U.P,. p. 130. ISBN 9780231085984.
Jump up ^ Robert Forster, "The survival of the nobility during the French Revolution". Past and Present (1967): 71–86 in JSTOR.
Jump up ^ Paul R. Hanson, The A to Z of the French Revolution (2013) pp. 293–94
Jump up ^ Furet, Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution, p. 112
^ Jump up to: a b J.M. Thompson, The French Revolution (1943), pp. 90–111
Jump up ^ Gregory Fremont-Barnes (2007). Encyclopedia of the Age of Political Revolutions and New Ideologies, 1760–1815. Greenwood. p. 190. ISBN 9780313049514.
Jump up ^ Doyle 1989, p.121
Jump up ^ Doyle 1989, p. 122
Jump up ^ Gemma Betros, "The French Revolution and the Catholic Church," History Review (2010) Issue 68, pp. 16–21.
^ Jump up to: a b Censer and Hunt, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution p. 4.
Jump up ^ John McManners, The French Revolution and the Church, pp. 50, 4.
Jump up ^ National Assembly legislation cited in John McManners, The French Revolution and the Church, 27.
Jump up ^ John McManners, The French Revolution and the Church, p. 27.
^ Jump up to: a b Censer and Hunt, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution, p. 61.
Jump up ^ Emmet Kennedy, A Cultural History of the French Revolution, p 148.
^ Jump up to: a b Censer and Hunt, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution, 92.
Jump up ^ Noah Shusterman – The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London and New York, 2014. Chapter 3 (p. 55–87): The Civil Constitution of the Clergy (summer 1790–spring 1791)
Jump up ^ Emmet Kennedy, A Cultural History of the French Revolution, (1989) p 151.
Jump up ^ Matthew Shaw, Time and the French Revolution: The Republican Calendar, 1789 – Year XIV (2011)
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Jump up ^ Schama 2004, p. 481
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^ Jump up to: a b c d (in Dutch) Noah Shusterman – De Franse Revolutie (The French Revolution). Veen Media, Amsterdam, 2015. (Translation of: The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London/New York, 2014.) Chapter 4 (p. 141–186): The flight of the king and the decline of the French monarchy (summer 1791–summer 1792).
Jump up ^ Schama 2004, p.500
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Jump up ^ Francis Charles Montague (1911). The Encyclopædia Britannica. p. 158.
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^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g (in Dutch) Noah Shusterman – De Franse Revolutie (The French Revolution). Veen Media, Amsterdam, 2015. (Translation of: The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London/New York, 2014.) Chapter 5 (p. 187–221): The end of the monarchy and the September Murders (1792).
^ Jump up to: a b Philip Dwyer (2008). Napoleon: The Path to Power 1769–1799. Yale University Press. pp. 99–100. ISBN 9780300148206.
^ Jump up to: a b Peter McPhee, ed. (2012). A Companion to the French Revolution. pp. 164–66. ISBN 9781118316221. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
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^ Jump up to: a b Noah Shusterman – The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London and New York, 2014. Chapter 5 (p. 119–142): The end of the monarchy and the September Massacres (summer–fall 1792)
^ Jump up to: a b Leo Gershoy, The French Revolution and Napoleon pp 221–26
^ Jump up to: a b Timothy Tackett, "Rumor and Revolution: The Case of the September Massacres", French History and Civilization (2011) Vol. 4, pp. 54–64.
^ Jump up to: a b c (in Dutch) Noah Shusterman – De Franse Revolutie (The French Revolution). Veen Media, Amsterdam, 2015. (Translation of: The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London/New York, 2014.) Chapter 5 (p. 187–221) : The end of the monarchy and the September Murders (summer–fall 1792).
Jump up ^ Doyle (2003), p. 194.
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Jump up ^ Marcel Dorginy, The Abolition of Slavery: From L.F. Sonthonax to Victor Schoelcher, 1793, 1794, 1848 (Paris: UNESCO, 2003), 167–80.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h (in Dutch) Noah Shusterman – De Franse Revolutie (The French Revolution). Veen Media, Amsterdam, 2015. (Translation of: The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London/New York, 2014.) Chapter 6 (p. 223–269) : The new French republic and its enemies (fall 1792–summer 1793).
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Jump up ^ White, E. "The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance, 1770–1815." The Journal of Economic History 1995, p. 244
Jump up ^ Schuettinger, Robert. "Forty Centuries of Wage and Price Controls." Heritage Foundation, 2009. p. 45
Jump up ^ Bourne, Henry. "Maximum Prices in France." American Historical Review, October 1917, p. 112.
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Jump up ^ Doyle 1989, p. 258
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^ Jump up to: a b Schama 2004, p. 641
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Jump up ^ François Furet, "A Deep-rooted Ideology as Well as Circumstance," in The French Revolution: Conflicting Interpretations, ed. by Frank Kafker et al. (2002). p. 222.
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^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Noah Shusterman – The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London and New York, 2014. Chapter 7 (p. 175–203): The federalist revolt, the Vendée, and the start of the Terror (summer–fall 1793).
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g (in Dutch) Noah Shusterman – De Franse Revolutie (The French Revolution). Veen Media, Amsterdam, 2015. (Translation of: The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London/New York, 2014.) Chapter 7 (p. 271–312) : The federalist revolts, the Vendée and the beginning of the Terror (summer–fall 1793).
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Jump up ^ Hibbert, p. 321.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Schama 2004, p. 646
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Noah Shusterman – The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London and New York, 2014. Chapter 8 (p. 204–234): The Reign of Terror (fall 1793–summer 1794).
Jump up ^ Louis R. Gottschalk, The Era of the French Revolution (1715–1815) (1929) p. 281
Jump up ^ Chisholm, Hugh (1911). Carnot, Lazare Nicolas Marguerite. Cambridge University Press: Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed). pp. 376–377.
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Jump up ^ 117,000 according to Reynald Secher, La Vendée-Vengé, le Génocide franco-français (1986); 200,000–250,000 according to Jean-Clément Martin, La Vendée et la France, Éditions du Seuil, collection Points, 1987; 200,000 according to Louis-Marie Clénet, La Contre-révolution, Paris, PUF, collection Que sais-je?, 1992; 170,000 according to Jacques Hussenet (dir.), " Détruisez la Vendée ! " Regards croisés sur les victimes et destructions de la guerre de Vendée, La Roche-sur-Yon, Centre vendéen de recherches historiques, 2007, p.148.
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Jump up ^ The term is rejected by Michel Vovelle, " L'historiographie de la Révolution Française à la veille du bicentenaire ", Estudos avançados, octobre-décembre 1987, volume 1, n° 1, pp. 61–72. [1] ou [2]
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Jump up ^ Jean-Baptiste Carrier, Encyclopædia Britannica
Jump up ^ Soboul (1975), p. 384.
^ Jump up to: a b c Schama 2004, p. 706
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Jump up ^
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Simon Schama – Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. Penguin, [1989] 2004. (p. 852).
Jump up ^ Soboul (1975), pp. 425–28.
Jump up ^ Schama, p. 852.
Jump up ^ William Doyle – The Oxford History of the French Revolution (2nd ed.) Oxford University Press, Oxford – New York, 1990. (pp. 206–207.)
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Jump up ^ Ernst August Richard Engels – Friedrich Nicolais "Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek" und der Friede von Basel 1795. Published: Würzburg, Buchdruckerei R. Mayr, 1936.
^ Jump up to: a b Doyle (1989), p. 320
Jump up ^ Doyle, Oxford History, pp. 322–23
Jump up ^ Doyle, Oxford History (2003) pp. 322–23
Jump up ^ François Furet, Revolutionary France 1770–1880 (1995) p. 155
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Lefebvre, Georges (1971). The French Revolution: From Its Origins to 1793. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-08598-2.
Lefebvre, Georges (1964). The Thermidorians & the Directory. New York: Random House.
Lefebvre, Georges (1963). The French Revolution: from 1793 to 1799. vol. II. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-02519-X.
McManners, John (1969). The French Revolution and the Church. New York: Harper and Row.
Montague, Francis Charles. "French Revolution" (1911). The Encyclopædia Britannica. ; this Wikipedia article was originally copied from Montague (which is out of copyright), and portions still remain
Neely, Sylvia (2008). A Concise History of the French Revolution. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-7425-3411-1.
Rude, George (1991). The French Revolution: Its Causes, Its History and Its Legacy After 200 Years. Grove Press. ISBN 0-8021-3272-3.
Schama, Simon (2004) [1989]. Citizens. Penguin. ISBN 0-14-101727-9.
Shusterman, Noah (2014). The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London and New York.
Soboul, Albert (1975). The French Revolution 1787–1799. New York: Vintage. ISBN 0-394-71220-X.
Soboul, Albert (1977). A short history of the French Revolution: 1789–1799. Geoffrey Symcox. University of California Press, Ltd. ISBN 0-520-03419-8.
Thompson, J. M. (1959). The French Revolution. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Woronoff, Denis (1984). The Thermidorean regime and the directory: 1794–1799. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-28917-3.
Further reading
See also: Historiography of the French Revolution
Surveys and reference
Andress, David, ed. The Oxford Handbook of the French Revolution (Oxford University Press, 2015). excerpt, 714pp; 37 articles by experts
Aulard, François-Alphonse. The French Revolution, a Political History, 1789–1804 (4 vol. 1910); famous classic; volume 1 1789–1792 online; Volume 2 1792–95 online
Azurmendi, Joxe (1997). The democrats and the violent. Mirande's critique of the French Revolution. Philosophical viewpoint. (Original: Demokratak eta biolentoak, Donostia: Elkar ISBN 84-7917-744-6).
Ballard, Richard. A New Dictionary of the French Revolution (2011) excerpt and text search
Bosher, J. F. The French Revolution (1989) 365pp
Davies, Peter. The French Revolution: A Beginner's Guide (2009), 192pp
Frey, Linda and Frey, Marsha. The French Revolution. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2004. ISBN 0-313-32193-0
Furet, François. The French Revolution, 1770–1814 (1996) excerpt and text search
Furet, François and Mona Ozouf, eds. A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (1989), 1120pp; long essays by scholars; conservative perspective; stress on history of ideas excerpt and text search
Gershoy, Leo. The French Revolution and Napoleon (1945) 585pp
Gershoy, Leo. The Era of the French Revolution, 1789–1799 (1957), brief summary with some primary sources
Gottschalk, Louis R. The Era of the French Revolution (1929), cover 1780s to 1815
Hanson, Paul R. The A to Z of the French Revolution (2013)
Hanson, Paul R. Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution (2004)
Jaurès, Jean. A Socialist History of the French Revolution. Pluto Press, 2015. ISBN 978-0745335001
Jones, Colin. The Longman Companion to the French Revolution (1989)
Jones, Colin. The Great Nation: France from Louis XV to Napoleon (2002) excerpt and text search
Lefebvre, Georges. The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793 (1962), famous French classic excerpt and text search v 1
Lefebvre, Georges. French Revolution from 1793–1799 (1964)
McPhee, Peter, ed. (2012). A Companion to the French Revolution. Wiley. ISBN 9781118316412. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Madelin, Louis. The French Revolution (1916); textbook by leading French scholar. online
Paxton, John. Companion to the French Revolution (1987), 234pp; hundreds of short entries.
Popkin, Jeremy D. A Short History of the French Revolution (5th ed. 2009) 176pp
Scott, Samuel F. and Barry Rothaus, eds. Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution, 1789–1799 (2 vol 1984), short essays by scholars vol 1 online; vol 2 online
Shusterman, Noah (2014). The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge, London and New York.
Soboul, Albert. The French Revolution, 1787–1799: From the storming of the Bastille to Napoleon (1975)
Sutherland, D.M.G. France 1789–1815. Revolution and Counter-Revolution (2nd ed. 2003, 430pp excerpts and online search from Amazon.com
Thompson, J. M. The French Revolution (1943), British viewpoint
European and Atlantic History
Amann, Peter H., ed. The eighteenth-century revolution: French or Western? (Heath, 1963) readings from historians
Brinton, Crane. A Decade of Revolution 1789–1799 (1934) the Revolution in European context
Desan, Suzanne, et al. eds. The French Revolution in Global Perspective (2013)
Fremont-Barnes, Gregory. ed. The Encyclopedia of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: A Political, Social, and Military History (ABC-CLIO: 3 vol 2006)
Goodwin, A., ed. The New Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 8: The American and French Revolutions, 1763–93 (1965), 764pp
Palmer, R. R. "The World Revolution of the West: 1763–1801," Political Science Quarterly (1954) 69#1 pp. 1–14 in JSTOR
Palmer, Robert R. The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760–1800. (2 vol 1959), highly influential comparative history; vol 1 online
Rude, George F. and Harvey J. Kaye. Revolutionary Europe, 1783–1815 (2000), scholarly survey excerpt and text search
Politics and wars
Andress, David. The terror: Civil war in the French revolution (2006).
Baker, Keith M. ed. The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture (Oxford, 1987–94) vol 1: The Political Culture of the Old Regime, ed. K.M. Baker (1987); vol. 2: The Political Culture of the French Revolution, ed. C. Lucas (1988); vol. 3: The Transformation of Political Culture, 1789–1848, eds. F. Furet & M. Ozouf (1989); vol. 4: The Terror, ed. K.M. Baker (1994). excerpt and text search vol 4
Blanning, T.C.W. The French Revolutionary Wars 1787–1802 (1996).
Desan, Suzanne. "Internationalizing the French Revolution," French Politics, Culture & Society (2011) 29#2 pp. 137–60.
Doyle, William. Origins of the French Revolution (3rd ed. 1999) online edition
Englund, Steven. Napoleon: A Political Life. (2004). 575 pages; emphasis on politics excerpt and text search
Fremont-Barnes, Gregory. The French Revolutionary Wars (2013), 96pp; excerpt and text search
Griffith, Paddy. The Art of War of Revolutionary France 1789–1802, (1998); 304 pp; excerpt and text search
Rothenberg, Gunther E. (Spring 1988). "The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon". Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 18 (4): 771–793. JSTOR 204824.
Schroeder, Paul. The Transformation of European Politics, 1763–1848. 1996; Thorough coverage of diplomatic history; hostile to Napoleon; online edition
Wahnich, Sophie (2016). In Defence of the Terror: Liberty or Death in the French Revolution (Reprint ed.). Verso. ISBN 978-1784782023.
Economy and society
Anderson, James Maxwell. Daily life during the French Revolution (2007)
Andress, David. French Society in Revolution, 1789–1799 (1999)
Kennedy, Emmet. A Cultural History of the French Revolution (1989)
McPhee, Peter. "The French Revolution, Peasants, and Capitalism," American Historical Review (1989) 94#5 pp. 1265–1280 in JSTOR
Tackett, Timothy, "The French Revolution and religion to 1794," and Suzanne Desan, "The French Revolution and religion, 1795–1815," in Stewart J. Brown and Timothy Tackett, eds. The Cambridge History of Christianity vol. 7 (Cambridge UP, 2006).
Women
Dalton, Susan. "Gender and the Shifting Ground of Revolutionary Politics: The Case of Madame Roland." Canadian journal of history (2001) 36#2
Godineau, Dominique. The Women of Paris and Their French Revolution (1998) 440pp 1998
Hufton, Olwen. "Women in Revolution 1789–1796" Past & Present (1971) No. 53 pp. 90–108 in JSTOR
Hufton, Olwen. "In Search of Counter-Revolutionary Women." The French Revolution: Recent debates and New Controversies Ed. Gary Kates. (1998) pp 302–36
Kelly, Linda. Women of the French Revolution (1987) 192 pp. biographical portraits or prominent writers and activists
Landes, Joan B. Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Cornell University Press, 1988) excerpt and text search
Melzer, Sara E., and Leslie W. Rabine, eds. Rebel daughters: women and the French Revolution (Oxford University Press, 1992)
Proctor, Candice E. Women, Equality, and the French Revolution (Greenwood Press, 1990) online
Roessler, Shirley Elson. Out of the Shadows: Women and Politics in the French Revolution, 1789–95 (Peter Lang, 1998) online
Historiography and memory
Main article: Historiography of the French Revolution
Andress, David. "Interpreting the French Revolution," Teaching History (2013), Issue 150, pp. 28–29, very short summary
Censer, Jack R. "Amalgamating the Social in the French Revolution." Journal of Social History 2003 37(1): 145–50. online
Cox, Marvin R. The Place of the French Revolution in History (1997) 288pp
Desan, Suzanne. "What's after Political Culture? Recent French Revolutionary Historiography," French Historical Studies (2000) 23#1 pp. 163–96.
Furet, François and Mona Ozouf, eds. A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (1989), 1120pp; long essays by scholars; strong on history of ideas and historiography (esp pp. 881–1034 excerpt and text search
Furet, François. Interpreting the French revolution (1981).
Germani, Ian, and Robin Swayles. Symbols, myths and images of the French Revolution. University of Regina Publications. 1998. ISBN 978-0-88977-108-6
Geyl, Pieter. Napoleon for and Against (1949), 477pp; summarizes views of major historians on controversial issues
Hanson, Paul R. Contesting the French Revolution (2009). 248 pp.
Kafker, Frank A. and James M. Laux, eds. The French Revolution: Conflicting Interpretations (5th ed. 2002), articles by scholars
Kaplan, Steven Laurence. Farewell, Revolution: The Historians' Feud, France, 1789/1989 (1996), focus on historians excerpt and text search
Kaplan, Steven Laurence. Farewell, Revolution: Disputed Legacies, France, 1789/1989 (1995); focus on bitter debates re 200th anniversary excerpt and text search
Kates, Gary, ed. The French Revolution: Recent Debates and New Controversies (2nd ed. 2005) excerpt and text search
Lewis, Gwynne. The French Revolution: Rethinking the Debate (1993) online; 142 pp.
McPhee, Peter, ed. (2012). A Companion to the French Revolution. Wiley. ISBN 9781118316412. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link) ; 540pp; 30 essays by experts; emphasis on historiography and memory
Reichardt, Rolf: The French Revolution as a European Media Event, European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2010, retrieved: December 17, 2012.
Ross, Steven T., ed. The French Revolution: conflict or continuity? (1971) 131pp; excerpt from historians table of contents
Primary sources
Wikisource has original works on the topic: French Revolution
Anderson, F.M. (1904). The constitutions and other select documents illustrative of the history of France, 1789–1901. , complete text online
Burke, Edmund (1790). Reflections on the Revolution in France.
Dwyer, Philip G. and Peter McPhee, eds. The French Revolution and Napoleon: A Sourcebook (2002) 235 pp; online
Legg, L. G. Wickham, ed. Select Documents Illustrative of the History of the French Revolution (2 Volumes, 1905) 630pp vol 1 online free; in French (not translated)
Levy, Darline Gay, et al. eds. Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795 (1981) 244pp excerpt and text search
Mason, Laura, and Tracey Rizzo, eds. The French Revolution: A Document Collection (1998) 334pp excerpt and text search
Stewart, John Hall, ed. A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (1951), 818pp
Thompson, J. M., ed. The French revolution: Documents, 1789–94 (1948), 287pp
This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "The French Revolution". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
This article incorporates text from the public domain History of the French Revolution from 1789 to 1814, by François Mignet (1824), as made available by Project Gutenberg.
External links
Wikimedia Commons has media related to French Revolution.
Library resources about
the French Revolution
Online books
Resources in your library
Resources in other libraries
Museum of the French Revolution (French)
Primary source documents from The Internet Modern History Sourcebook.
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution, a collaborative site by the Center for History and New Media (George Mason University) and the American Social History Project (City University of New York).
Vancea, S. The Cahiers de Doleances of 1789, Clio History Journal, 2008.
French Revolution Digital Archive a collaboration of the Stanford University Libraries and the Bibliothèque nationale de France, containing 12000 digitised images
The guillotined of the French Revolution factsheets of all the sentenced to death of the French Revolution
Jean-Baptiste Lingaud papers, Kislak Center for Special Collections, Rare Books and Manuscripts, University of Pennsylvania. Includes a vast number of name lists and secret surveillance records as well as arrest warrants for aristocrats and their sympathisers. Most notable in this part of the collection are letters and documents from the Revolutionary Committee and the Surveillance Committee.
French Revolution Pamphlets, Division of Special Collections, University of Alabama Libraries. Over 300 digitised pamphlets, from writers including Robespierre, St. Juste, Desmoulins, and Danton.
"The French Revolution's Legacy" BBC Radio 4 discussion with Stefan Collini, Anne Janowitz and Andrew Roberts (In Our Time, Jun. 14, 2001)
Preceded by
Ancien Régime (Old Regime) French Revolution
1789–1792 Succeeded by
French First Republic
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v
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French Revolution
Causes
Timeline
Ancien Régime
Revolution
Constitutional monarchy
Republic
Directory
Consulate
Glossary
[show]
Significant civil and political events by year
1788
Day of the Tiles (7 Jun 1788)
Assembly of Vizille (21 Jul 1788)
1789
What Is the Third Estate? (Jan 1789)
Réveillon riots (28 Apr 1789)
Convocation of the Estates-General (5 May 1789)
National Assembly (17 Jun – 9 Jul 1790)
Tennis Court Oath (20 Jun 1789)
National Constituent Assembly (9 Jul – 30 Sep 1791)
Storming of the Bastille (14 Jul 1789)
Great Fear (20 Jul – 5 Aug 1789)
Abolition of Feudalism (4-11 Aug 1789)
Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (27 Aug 1789)
Women's March on Versailles (5 Oct 1789)
1790
Abolition of the Parlements (Feb–Jul 1790)
Abolition of the Nobility (19 Jun 1790)
Civil Constitution of the Clergy (12 Jul 1790)
1791
Flight to Varennes (20–21 Jun 1791)
Champ de Mars Massacre (17 Jul 1791)
Declaration of Pillnitz (27 Aug 1791)
The Constitution of 1791 (3 Sep 1791)
Legislative Assembly (1 Oct 1791 – Sep 1792)
1792
France declares war (20 Apr 1792)
Brunswick Manifesto (25 Jul 1792)
Paris Commune becomes insurrectionary (Jun 1792)
10th of August (10 Aug 1792)
September Massacres (Sep 1792)
National Convention (20 Sep 1792 – 26 Oct 1795)
First republic declared (22 Sep 1792)
1793
Execution of Louis XVI (21 Jan 1793)
Revolutionary Tribunal (9 Mar 1793 – 31 May 1795)
Reign of Terror (27 Jun 1793 – 27 Jul 1794)
Committee of Public Safety
Committee of General Security
Fall of the Girondists (2 Jun 1793)
Assassination of Marat (13 Jul 1793)
Levée en masse (23 Aug 1793)
The Death of Marat (painting)
Law of Suspects (17 Sep 1793)
Marie Antoinette is guillotined (16 Oct 1793)
Anti-clerical laws (throughout the year)
1794
Danton and Desmoulins guillotined (5 Apr 1794)
Law of 22 Prairial (10 Jun 1794)
Thermidorian Reaction (27 Jul 1794)
Robespierre guillotined (28 Jul 1794)
White Terror (Fall 1794)
Closing of the Jacobin Club (11 Nov 1794)
1795
Constitution of the Year III (22 Aug 1795)
Conspiracy of the Equals (Nov 1795)
Directoire (1795–99)
Council of Five Hundred
Council of Ancients
13 Vendémiaire 5 Oct 1795
1797
Coup of 18 Fructidor (4 Sep 1797)
Second Congress of Rastatt (Dec 1797)
1799
Coup of 30 Prairial VII (18 Jun 1799)
Coup of 18 Brumaire (9 Nov 1799)
Constitution of the Year VIII (24 Dec 1799)
Consulate
[show]
Revolutionary campaigns
1792
Verdun
Thionville
Valmy
Royalist Revolts
Chouannerie
Vendée
Dauphiné
Lille
Siege of Mainz
Jemappes
Namur (fr)
1793
First Coalition
Siege of Toulon (18 Sep – 18 Dec 1793)
War in the Vendée
Battle of Neerwinden)
Battle of Famars (23 May 1793)
Expédition de Sardaigne (21 Dec 1792 - 25 May 1793)
Battle of Kaiserslautern
Siege of Mainz
Battle of Wattignies
Battle of Hondschoote
Siege of Bellegarde
Battle of Peyrestortes (Pyrenees)
First Battle of Wissembourg (13 Oct 1793)
Battle of Truillas (Pyrenees)
Second Battle of Wissembourg (26–27 Dec 1793)
1794
Battle of Villers-en-Cauchies (24 Apr 1794)
Battle of Boulou (Pyrenees) (30 Apr – 1 May 1794)
Battle of Tournay (22 May 1794)
Battle of Fleurus (26 Jun 1794)
Chouannerie
Battle of Tourcoing (18 May 1794)
Battle of Aldenhoven (2 Oct 1794)
1795
Peace of Basel
1796
Battle of Lonato (3–4 Aug 1796)
Battle of Castiglione (5 Aug 1796)
Battle of Theiningen
Battle of Neresheim (11 Aug 1796)
Battle of Amberg (24 Aug 1796)
Battle of Würzburg (3 Sep 1796)
Battle of Rovereto (4 Sep 1796)
First Battle of Bassano (8 Sep 1796)
Battle of Emmendingen (19 Oct 1796)
Battle of Schliengen (26 Oct 1796)
Second Battle of Bassano (6 Nov 1796)
Battle of Calliano (6–7 Nov 1796)
Battle of the Bridge of Arcole (15–17 Nov 1796)
The Ireland Expedition (Dec 1796)
1797
Naval Engagement off Brittany (13 Jan 1797)
Battle of Rivoli (14–15 Jan 1797)
Battle of the Bay of Cádiz (25 Jan 1797)
Treaty of Leoben (17 Apr 1797)
Battle of Neuwied (18 Apr 1797)
Treaty of Campo Formio (17 Oct 1797)
1798
French invasion of Switzerland (28 January – 17 May 1798)
French Invasion of Egypt (1798–1801)
Irish Rebellion of 1798 (23 May – 23 Sep 1798)
Quasi-War (1798–1800)
Peasants' War (12 Oct – 5 Dec 1798)
1799
Second Coalition (1798–1802)
Siege of Acre (20 Mar – 21 May 1799)
Battle of Ostrach (20–21 Mar 1799)
Battle of Stockach (25 Mar 1799)
Battle of Magnano (5 Apr 1799)
Battle of Cassano (27 Apr 1799)
First Battle of Zurich (4–7 Jun 1799)
Battle of Trebbia (19 Jun 1799)
Battle of Novi (15 Aug 1799)
Second Battle of Zurich (25–26 Sep 1799)
1800
Battle of Marengo (14 Jun 1800)
Battle of Hohenlinden (3 Dec 1800)
League of Armed Neutrality (1800–02)
1801
Treaty of Lunéville (9 Feb 1801)
Treaty of Florence (18 Mar 1801)
Algeciras Campaign (8 Jul 1801)
1802
Treaty of Amiens (25 Mar 1802)
[show]
Military leaders
French Army
Eustache Charles d'Aoust
Pierre Augereau
Alexandre de Beauharnais
Jean-Baptiste Bernadotte
Louis-Alexandre Berthier
Jean-Baptiste Bessières
Guillaume-Marie-Anne Brune
Jean François Carteaux
Jean Étienne Championnet
Chapuis de Tourville
Adam Philippe, Comte de Custine
Louis-Nicolas Davout
Louis Desaix
Jacques François Dugommier
Thomas-Alexandre Dumas
Charles François Dumouriez
Pierre Marie Barthélemy Ferino
Louis-Charles de Flers
Paul Grenier
Emmanuel de Grouchy
Jacques Maurice Hatry
Lazare Hoche
Jean-Baptiste Jourdan
François Christophe de Kellermann
Jean-Baptiste Kléber
Pierre Choderlos de Laclos
Jean Lannes
Charles Leclerc
Claude Lecourbe
François Joseph Lefebvre
Jacques MacDonald
Jean-Antoine Marbot
Jean Baptiste de Marbot
François Séverin Marceau-Desgraviers
Auguste de Marmont
André Masséna
Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey
Jean Victor Marie Moreau
Édouard Mortier, duc de Trévise
Joachim Murat
Michel Ney
Pierre-Jacques Osten (fr)
Nicolas Oudinot
Catherine-Dominique de Pérignon
Jean-Charles Pichegru
Józef Poniatowski
Laurent de Gouvion Saint-Cyr
Barthélemy Louis Joseph Schérer
Jean-Mathieu-Philibert Sérurier
Joseph Souham
Jean-de-Dieu Soult
Louis-Gabriel Suchet
Belgrand de Vaubois
Claude Victor-Perrin, Duc de Belluno
French Navy
Charles-Alexandre Linois
Opposition
Austria
József Alvinczi
Archduke Charles, Duke of Teschen
Count of Clerfayt (Walloon)
Karl Aloys zu Fürstenberg
Friedrich Freiherr von Hotze (Swiss)
Friedrich Adolf, Count von Kalckreuth
Pál Kray (Hungarian)
Charles Eugene, Prince of Lambesc (French)
Maximilian Baillet de Latour (Walloon)
Karl Mack von Leiberich
Rudolf Ritter von Otto (Saxon)
Prince Josias of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld
Peter Vitus von Quosdanovich
Prince Heinrich XV of Reuss-Plauen
Johann Mészáros von Szoboszló (Hungarian)
Karl Philipp Sebottendorf
Dagobert von Wurmser
Britain
Sir Ralph Abercromby
Admiral Sir James Saumarez
Admiral Sir Edward Pellew
Prince Frederick, Duke of York and Albany
Dutch Republic
William V, Prince of Orange
Prussia
Charles William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel
Frederick Louis, Prince of Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen
Russia
Alexander Korsakov
Alexander Suvorov
Spain
Luis Firmin de Carvajal
Antonio Ricardos
[show]
Other significant figures and factions
Society of 1789
Jean Sylvain Bailly
Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette
François Alexandre Frédéric, duc de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt
Isaac René Guy le Chapelier
Honoré Gabriel Riqueti, comte de Mirabeau
Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès
Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord
Nicolas de Condorcet
Feuillants
and monarchiens
Madame de Lamballe
Madame du Barry
Louis de Breteuil
Loménie de Brienne
Charles Alexandre de Calonne
de Chateaubriand
Jean Chouan
Grace Elliott
Arnaud de La Porte
Jean-Sifrein Maury
Jacques Necker
François-Marie, marquis de Barthélemy
Guillaume-Mathieu Dumas
Antoine Barnave
Lafayette
Alexandre-Théodore-Victor, comte de Lameth
Charles Malo François Lameth
André Chénier
Jean-François Rewbell
Camille Jordan
Madame de Staël
Boissy d'Anglas
Jean-Charles Pichegru
Pierre Paul Royer-Collard
Girondists
Jacques Pierre Brissot
Roland de La Platière
Madame Roland
Father Henri Grégoire
Étienne Clavière
Marquis de Condorcet
Charlotte Corday
Marie Jean Hérault
Jean Baptiste Treilhard
Pierre Victurnien Vergniaud
Bertrand Barère de Vieuzac
Jérôme Pétion de Villeneuve
Jean Debry
Jean-Jacques Duval d'Eprémesnil
Olympe de Gouges
Jean-Baptiste Robert Lindet
Louis Marie de La Révellière-Lépeaux
The Plain
Abbé Sieyès
de Cambacérès
Charles François Lebrun
Lazare Nicolas Marguerite Carnot
Philippe Égalité
Louis Philippe I
Mirabeau
Antoine Christophe Merlin de Thionville
Jean Joseph Mounier
Pierre Samuel du Pont de Nemours
François de Neufchâteau
Montagnards
Maximilien Robespierre
Georges Danton
Jean-Paul Marat
Camille Desmoulins
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
Paul Nicolas, vicomte de Barras
Louis Philippe I
Louis Michel le Peletier de Saint-Fargeau
Jacques-Louis David
Marquis de Sade
Jacques-Louis David
Georges Couthon
Roger Ducos
Jean-Marie Collot d'Herbois
Jean-Henri Voulland
Philippe-Antoine Merlin de Douai
Antoine Quentin Fouquier-Tinville
Philippe-François-Joseph Le Bas
Marc-Guillaume Alexis Vadier
Jean-Pierre-André Amar
Prieur de la Côte-d'Or
Prieur de la Marne
Gilbert Romme
Jean Bon Saint-André
Jean-Lambert Tallien
Pierre Louis Prieur
Bertrand Barère de Vieuzac
Antoine Christophe Saliceti
Hébertists
and Enragés
Jacques Hébert
Jacques Nicolas Billaud-Varenne
Pierre Gaspard Chaumette
Charles-Philippe Ronsin
Antoine-François Momoro
François-Nicolas Vincent
François Chabot
Jean Baptiste Noël Bouchotte
Jean-Baptiste-Joseph Gobel
François Hanriot
Jacques Roux
Stanislas-Marie Maillard
Charles-Philippe Ronsin
Jean-François Varlet
Theophile Leclerc
Claire Lacombe
Pauline Léon
Gracchus Babeuf
Sylvain Maréchal
Others
Charles X
Louis XVI
Louis XVII
Louis XVIII
Louis Antoine, Duke of Enghien
Louis Henri, Prince of Condé
Louis Joseph, Prince of Condé
Marie Antoinette
Napoléon Bonaparte
Lucien Bonaparte
Joseph Bonaparte
Joseph Fesch
Joséphine de Beauharnais
Joachim Murat
Jean Sylvain Bailly
Jacques-Donatien Le Ray
Guillaume-Chrétien de Malesherbes
Talleyrand
Thérésa Tallien
Gui-Jean-Baptiste Target
Catherine Théot
List of people associated with the French Revolution
[show]
Influential thinkers
Les Lumières
Beaumarchais
Edmund Burke
Anacharsis Cloots
Charles-Augustin de Coulomb
Pierre Claude François Daunou
Diderot
Benjamin Franklin
Thomas Jefferson
Antoine Lavoisier
Montesquieu
Thomas Paine
Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Abbé Sieyès
Voltaire
Mary Wollstonecraft
[show]
Cultural impact
La Marseillaise
French Tricolour
Liberté, égalité, fraternité
Marianne
Bastille Day
Panthéon
French Republican Calendar
Cult of the Supreme Being
Cult of Reason
Temple of Reason
Sans-culottes
Metric system
Phrygian cap
Women in the French Revolution
Symbolism in the French Revolution
Historiography of the French Revolution
Influence of the French Revolution
[show]
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History
Periods
Timeline
Prehistory
Celtic Gaul
Roman Gaul
Kingdom of the Visigoths
Francia
West Francia
Middle Ages
Early modern era
Long nineteenth century
Revolutionary era
Napoleonic era
Belle Époque
Twentieth century
Regimes
Absolute monarchy
Ancien Régime
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value: Бөйөк француз инҡилабы – Bashkir

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value: Вялікая французская рэвалюцыя – Belarusian

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value: Француская рэвалюцыя – Belarusian (Taraškievica orthography)

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value: फ्रांसीसी क्रांति – Bhojpuri

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value: Френска революция – Bulgarian

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value:
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display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-bs
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value:
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value: Франциин хубисхал – Russia Buriat

value:
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value: Францин Аслă революциĕ – Chuvash

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value:
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value:
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value:
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-da
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-de
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-et
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value: Γαλλική Επανάσταση – Greek

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-el
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-es
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value:
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value: انقلاب فرانسه – Persian

value:
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value:
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-fo
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-fy
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-fur
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ga
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-gv
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-gd
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-gl
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value: 프랑스 혁명 – Korean

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ko
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value: Ֆրանսիական հեղափոխություն – Armenian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-hy
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value: फ़्रान्सीसी क्रान्ति – Hindi

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-hi
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-hr
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-io
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ilo
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-id
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ia
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ie
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-is
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-it
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value: המהפכה הצרפתית – Hebrew

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-he
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-jv
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value: ಫ್ರೆಂಚ್ ಕ್ರಾಂತಿ – Kannada

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-kn
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value: Уллу француз революция – Karachay-Balkar

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value: საფრანგეთის რევოლუცია – Georgian

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interlanguage-link interwiki-ka
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value: Француз төңкерісі – Kazakh

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-kk
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-kw
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sw
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ht
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ku
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value: ЧӀехи Француз инкъилаб – Lezghian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-lez
display: none;

value: ການປະຕິວັດຝະລັ່ງ – Lao

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-lo
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-la
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-lv
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-lb
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value: Didžioji Prancūzijos revoliucija – Lithuanian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-lt
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-lij
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-li
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-lmo
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-hu
display: none;

value: Француска револуција – Macedonian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-mk
display: none;

value: ഫ്രഞ്ച് വിപ്ലവം – Malayalam

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ml
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-mt
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value: फ्रेंच राज्यक्रांती – Marathi

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-mr
display: none;

value: საფრანგეთიშ რევოლუცია – Mingrelian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-xmf
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value: الثوره الفرنسيه – Egyptian Arabic

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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ms
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-mwl
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value: Францын хувьсгал – Mongolian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-mn
display: none;

value: ပြင်သစ် တော်လှန်ရေး – Burmese

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-my
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-nl
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ja
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-nap
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value: Fransöösk Rewolutschuun – Northern Frisian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-frr
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-no
display: none;

value: Den franske revolusjonen – Norwegian Nynorsk

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-nn
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-oc
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-uz
display: none;

value: ਫ਼ਰਾਂਸੀਸੀ ਇਨਕਲਾਬ – Punjabi

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-pa
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-pnb
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value: French Revaluushan – Jamaican Creole English

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-jam
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value:
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-nds
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-pl
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-kaa
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ro
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-rm
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value: Велика французьска револуція – Rusyn

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-rue
display: none;

value: Великая французская революция – Russian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ru
display: none;

value: Франция Улуу Революцията – Sakha

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sah
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sc
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sco
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sq
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-scn
display: none;

value: ප්‍රංශ විප්ලවය – Sinhala

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-si
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-simple
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value: فرانسيسي انقلاب – Sindhi

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sd
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sk
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sl
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-szl
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ckb
display: none;

value: Француска револуција – Serbian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sr
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sh
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-fi
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sv
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-tl
display: none;

value: பிரெஞ்சுப் புரட்சி – Tamil

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ta
display: none;

value: Бөек француз инкыйлабы – Tatar

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value: ఫ్రెంచ్ విప్లవం – Telugu

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-te
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value: การปฏิวัติฝรั่งเศส – Thai

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-th
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-tr
display: none;

value: Велика французька революція – Ukrainian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-uk
display: none;

value: انقلاب فرانس – Urdu

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ur
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-vi
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-fiu-vro
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-vls
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-war
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value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-wuu
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value: פראנצויזישע רעוואלוציע – Yiddish

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-yi
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-yo
display: none;

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-zh-yue
display: none;

value: Dėdliuojė Prancūzu revuoliocėjė – Samogitian

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-bat-smg
display: none;

value: Fransɩɩ tɛ kpɛlɩ lɛzʊʊ (Revolution française) – Kabiye

value:
interlanguage-link interwiki-kbp
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value: All languages (initial selection from common choices by you and others)

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