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Right-to-work law
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This article is about the U.S. laws prohibiting mandated union membership and dues. For the human right concept, see right to work. For the Indian law, see National Rural Employment Guarantee Act.
Right-to-work laws are statutes in 28 U.S. states that prohibit union security agreements between companies and workers' unions. Under these laws, employees in unionized workplaces may not be compelled to join a union, nor compelled to pay for any part of the cost of union representation, while generally receiving the same benefits as union members who do contribute.[1]
According to the Legal Defense Foundation, right-to-work laws prohibit union security agreements, or agreements between employers and labor unions, that govern the extent to which an established union can require employees' membership, payment of union dues, or fees as a condition of employment, either before or after hiring. Right-to-work laws do not aim to provide general guarantee of employment to people seeking work, but rather are a government regulation of the contractual agreements between employers and labor unions that prevents them from excluding non-union workers,[2] or requiring employees to pay a fee to unions that have negotiated the labor contract all the employees work under.
Unions are already governed by regulations and laws, including public policy on labor-management relations (e.g., a university central office professional position on labor relations). Typically, unions are organized by industry (e.g., healthcare, restaurant, steel workers, teachers, state government- professional, non-professional), and they are required to be first voted in by employees and management, typically with an open ended representation with no renewal or reauthorization or recall ability (the only recourse being to petition to decertify as required by federal law), with provisions on dues payments required as of 2011. For example, while municipal employees have their unions, as do police and firefighters, other non-profit agencies in localities may not be offered these same protections.[clarification needed]
Right-to-work provisions (either by law or by constitutional provision) exist in 28 U.S. states, mostly in the southern and western United States, but also including the Midwestern states of Michigan,[3] Indiana,[4] and Wisconsin.[5] Business interests represented by the United States Chamber of Commerce have lobbied extensively to pass right-to-work legislation.[6][7] Such laws are allowed under the 1947 federal Taft–Hartley Act. A further distinction is often made within the law between people employed by state and municipal governments and those employed by the private sector, with states that are otherwise union shop (i.e., workers must pay for union representation in order to obtain or retain a job) having right to work laws in effect for government employees; provided, however, that the law also permits an "agency shop" where employees pay their share for representation (less than union dues), while not joining the union as members.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 Wagner Act (1935)
1.2 Taft–Hartley Act (1947)
1.3 Current status
2 Arguments
2.1 In favor
2.1.1 Minority rights and due process
2.1.2 Freedom of association
2.1.3 Unfairness
2.1.4 Political contributions
2.2 Opposed
2.2.1 Free riders
2.2.2 Freedom of contract and association
2.2.3 Corporate interests
3 Studies of economic effect
4 Polling
5 U.S. states with right-to-work laws
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
8.1 Opposed to right-to-work laws
8.2 Supported right-to-work laws
History[edit]
Wagner Act (1935)[edit]
The National Labor Relations Act, generally known as the Wagner Act, was passed in 1935 as part of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Second New Deal." Among other things, the Act provided that a company could lawfully agree to be any of the following:
A closed shop, in which employees must be members of the union as a condition of employment. Under a closed shop, an employee who ceased being a member of the union for whatever reason, from failure to pay dues to expulsion from the union as an internal disciplinary punishment, was required to be fired even if the employee did not violate any of the employer's rules.
A union shop, which allows for hiring non-union employees, provided that the employees then join the union within a certain period.
An agency shop, in which employees must pay the equivalent of the cost of union representation, but need not formally join the union.
An open shop, in which an employee cannot be compelled to join or pay the equivalent of dues to a union or be fired for joining the union.[8]
The Act tasked the National Labor Relations Board, which had existed since 1933, with overseeing the rules.
Taft–Hartley Act (1947)[edit]
In 1947 Congress passed the Labor Management Relations Act of 1947, generally known as the Taft–Hartley Act, over President Harry S. Truman's veto. The Act repealed some parts of the Wagner Act, including outlawing the closed shop. Section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act also authorizes individual states (but not local governments, such as cities or counties) to outlaw the union shop and agency shop for employees working in their jurisdictions. Any state law that outlaws such arrangements is known as a "right-to-work law."
In the early development of the right-to-work policy, segregationist sentiment was used as an argument, as many people in the South felt that it was wrong for blacks and whites to belong to the same unions. Vance Muse, one of the early developers of the policy in Texas, used that argument in the development of anti-union laws in Texas in the 1940s.[9]
Current status[edit]
The federal government operates under open shop rules nationwide, but many of its employees are represented by unions. Unions that represent professional athletes have written contracts that include particular representation provisions (such as in the National Football League),[10] but their application is limited to "wherever and whenever legal," as the Supreme Court has clearly held that the application of a right-to-work law is determined by the employee's "predominant job situs."[11] Players on professional sports teams in states with right-to-work laws are thus subject to those laws and cannot be required to pay any portion of union dues as a condition of continued employment.[12]
Twenty-two states, as well as the District of Columbia, do not have right-to-work laws.
On November 18, 2016, the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the right of local governments to enact local right-to-work laws in Kentucky, Ohio, and the other states of its jurisdiction.[13]
Arguments[edit]
In favor[edit]
Minority rights and due process[edit]
The first arguments concerning the right to work centered around the rights of a dissenting minority with respect to an opposing majoritarian collective bargain. President Franklin Roosevelt's "New Deal" had prompted many U.S. Supreme Court challenges, among which were challenges regarding the constitutionality of the National Industry Recovery Act of 1933 (NIRA). In 1936, as a part of its ruling in Carter v. Carter Coal Co. the Court ruled against mandatory collective bargaining, stating: "The effect, in respect to wages and hours, is to subject the dissentient minority ... to the will of the stated majority .... To ‘accept’ in these circumstances, is not to exercise a choice, but to surrender to force. The power conferred upon the majority is, in effect, the power to regulate the affairs of an unwilling minority. This is legislative delegation in its most obnoxious form; for it is not even delegation to an official or an official body ... but to private persons .... [A] statute which attempts to confer such power undertakes an intolerable and unconstitutional interference with personal liberty and private property. The delegation is so clearly arbitrary, and so clearly a denial of rights safeguarded by the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, that it is unnecessary to do more than refer to decisions of this Court which foreclose the question."[14]
Freedom of association[edit]
Besides the U.S. Supreme Court, other proponents of right-to-work laws also point to the Constitution and the right to freedom of association. They argue that workers should both be free to join unions or to refrain, and thus, sometimes refer to non-right-to-work states as "forced unionism" states. These proponents argue that by being forced into a collective bargain, what the majoritarian unions call a fair share of collective bargaining costs is actually "financial coercion and a violation of freedom of choice." An opponent to the union bargain is forced to "financially support an organization they did not vote for, in order to receive monopoly representation they have no choice over."[15]
Some religions, such as the Seventh-Day Adventist Church, prohibit or discourage the joining of unions,[16] citing Ellen White and the Loss of Free Will if you join a union.[clarification needed]
Unfairness[edit]
Proponents such as the Mackinac Center for Public Policy contend that it is unfair that unions can require new and existing employees to either join the union or pay fees for collective bargaining expenses as a condition of employment under union security agreement contracts.[17] Other proponents contend that unions may still be needed in new and growing sectors of the economy, for example, the voluntary and third party sectors, to assure adequate benefits for new immigrant, "part-time" aides in America (e.g., US Direct Support Workforce).
Political contributions[edit]
Right-to-work proponents, including the Center for Union Facts, contend that political contributions made by unions are not representative of the union workers.[18] The agency shop portion of this had previously been contested with support of National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation in Communications Workers of America v. Beck, resulting in "Beck rights" preventing agency fees from being used for expenses outside of collective bargaining if the non-union worker notifies the union of their objection.[19]
Opposed[edit]
Free riders[edit]
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Opponents such as Richard Kahlenberg have argued that while it is an effective political slogan, the phrase "right-to-work" is a misnomer because the lack of such a law does not deprive anyone of the right to work. The Taft–Hartley Act (1947) outlawed the union-only "closed shops" which did deprive people of the right to work, and the "right to work" doesn't eliminate a worker's option of joining a work or labor union. A right-to-work law simply "gives employees the right to be free riders—to benefit from collective bargaining without paying for it".[20][21][6][22] Under labor laws in the United States, the union as the exclusive collective bargaining agent has a duty of fair representation for all persons in the bargaining unit, including those who choose not to be members and pay dues. Thus, in Abood v. Detroit Board of Education, the Supreme Court of the United States permitted agency fees so that employees in the public sector could be required to pay for the costs of representation, even as they opted not to be a member. The right to challenge the fees must include the right to have it heard by an impartial fact finder.[23]
Freedom of contract and association[edit]
Opponents argue that right-to-work laws restrict freedom of association, and limit the sorts of agreements individuals acting collectively can make with their employer, by prohibiting workers and employers from agreeing to contracts that include "fair share fees". Moreover, American law imposes a duty of fair representation on unions; consequently non-members in right to work states can and do force unions to provide without compensation grievance services that are paid for by union members.[24] Hence right-to-work laws are not neutral, but rather impose an active and artificial burden on labor unions.
In December 2012, libertarian writer J.D. Tuccille, in Reason magazine, wrote: "I consider the restrictions right-to-work laws impose on bargaining between unions and businesses to violate freedom of contract and association. ... I'm disappointed that the state has, once again, inserted itself into the marketplace to place its thumb on the scale in the never-ending game of playing business and labor off against one another. ... This is not to say that unions are always good. It means that, when the state isn't involved, they're private organizations that can offer value to their members."[25]
Corporate interests[edit]
Critics from organized labor have pointed out since the late 1970s[26] that while the National Right to Work Committee purports to engage in grass-roots lobbying on behalf of the "little guy", the National Right to Work Committee was formed by a group of southern businessmen with the express purpose of fighting unions, and that they "added a few workers for the purpose of public relations".[27]
The unions also contend that the National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation and National Right to Work Committee have received millions of dollars in grants from foundations controlled by major U.S. industrialists like the New York-based Olin Foundation, Inc., which grew out of a family manufacturing business, but now funds primarily conservative think tanks, media outlets, and university law programs.[27][28]
Kahlenberg and Marvit also argue that, at least in efforts to pass a right-to-work law in Michigan, excluding police and firefighter unions—traditionally less hostile to Republicans—from the law caused some to question claims that the law was simply an effort to improve Michigan's businesses climate, not to seek partisan advantage.[20]
Corporate interests have now involved the growing non-profit and voluntary sectors of the economy which "achieved parity in wages and benefits" to the state, unionized workforces, while not assuring provisions such as adverse hearings which benefit employees.
Studies of economic effect[edit]
According to Tim Bartik of the W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, studies of the effect of right-to-work laws "abound," but are not "consistent." Studies have found both "some positive effect on job growth," and no effect.[29] Thomas Holmes argues that it is difficult to analyze right-to-work laws by comparing states due to other similarities between states that have passed these laws. For instance, right-to-work states often have some strong pro-business policies, making it difficult to isolate the effect of right-to-work laws.[30] Looking at the growth of states in the Southeast following World War II, Bartik notes that while they have right-to-work laws they have also benefited from "factors like the widespread use of air conditioning and different modes of transportation that helped decentralize manufacturing".[31]
Economist Thomas Holmes compared counties close to the border between states with and without right-to-work laws (thereby holding constant an array of factors related to geography and climate). He found that the cumulative growth of employment in manufacturing in the right-to-work states was 26 percentage points greater than that in the non-right-to-work states.[32] However, given the study design, Holmes points out "my results do not say that it is right-to-work laws that matter, but rather that the 'probusiness package' offered by right-to-work states seems to matter."[33] Moreover, as noted by Kevin Drum and others, this result may reflect business relocation rather than an overall enhancement of economic growth, since "businesses prefer locating in states where costs are low and rules are lax."[34]
A February 2011 study by the Economic Policy Institute found:[21]
Wages in right-to-work states are 3.2% lower than those in non-RTW states, after controlling for a full complement of individual demographic and socioeconomic variables as well as state macroeconomic indicators. Using the average wage in non-RTW states as the base ($22.11), the average full-time, full-year worker in an RTW state makes about $1,500 less annually than a similar worker in a non-RTW state. The study goes on to say "How much of this difference can be attributed to RTW status itself? There is an inherent “endogeneity” problem in any attempt to answer that question, namely that RTW and non-RTW states differ on a wide variety of measures that are also related to compensation, making it difficult to isolate the impact of RTW status."[21]
The rate of employer-sponsored health insurance (ESI) is 2.6 percentage points lower in RTW states compared with non-RTW states, after controlling for individual, job, and state-level characteristics. If workers in non-RTW states were to receive ESI at this lower rate, 2 million fewer workers nationally would be covered.
The rate of employer-sponsored pensions is 4.8 percentage points lower in RTW states, using the full complement of control variables in [the study's] regression model. If workers in non-RTW states were to receive pensions at this lower rate, 3.8 million fewer workers nationally would have pensions.
A 2008 editorial in The Wall Street Journal comparing job growth in Ohio and Texas stated that from 1998 to 2008, Ohio lost 10,400 jobs, while Texas gained 1,615,000. The opinion piece suggested right-to-work laws might be among the reasons for the economic expansion in Texas, along with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and the absence of a state income tax in Texas.[35] Another Wall Street Journal editorial in 2012, by the president and the labor policy director of the Mackinac Center for Public Policy, reported 71% employment growth in right-to-work states from 1980 to 2011, while employment in non-right-to-work states grew just 32% during the same period.[36] The 2012 editorial also stated that since 2001, compensation in right-to-work states had increased 4 times faster than in other states.[36]
Polling[edit]
In January 2012, in the immediate aftermath of passage of Indiana's right-to-work law, Rasmussen Reports found that 74% of likely U.S. voters supported right-to-work laws, but "most also don’t think a non-union worker should enjoy benefits negotiated by the union."[37]
In Michigan in January through March 2013, a poll found that 43 percent of those polled thought the law would help Michigan's economy, while 41 percent thought it would hurt.[38]
U.S. states with right-to-work laws[edit]
Right-to-work states shown in turquoise.
The following states (28) are right-to-work states:
Alabama (adopted 1953, Constitution 2016)
Arizona (Constitution, State Constitution Article 25 approved 1946)[39] (adopted 1944)
Arkansas (Constitution, 1947, Amendment 34)
Florida (Constitution, 1944, revised 1968, Article 1, Section 6)[40]
Georgia (adopted 1947)
Idaho (adopted 1985)
Indiana[4] (State law, 2012)
Iowa (adopted 1947)
Kansas (Constitution, 1958, Article 15, Section 12)
Kentucky (adopted 2017)
Louisiana (adopted 1976)
Michigan (State law, 2012)[3]
Mississippi (Constitution, adopted 1954)
Missouri (adopted 2017) (Postponed to 2018 for citizen voting)
Nebraska (Constitution and statute, adopted 1946)
Nevada (adopted 1951)
North Carolina (adopted 1947)
North Dakota (adopted 1947)
Oklahoma (Constitution, adopted 2001)
South Carolina[41] (adopted 1954)
South Dakota (adopted 1946)
Tennessee (adopted 1947)
Texas[42] (adopted 1947, revised 1993)
Utah (adopted 1955)
Virginia (adopted 1947)
West Virginia (adopted 2016)
Wisconsin (adopted 2015)
Wyoming (adopted 1963)
In addition, the territory of Guam also has right-to-work laws, and employees of the US Federal Government have the right to choose whether or not to join their respective unions.[43]
New Hampshire adopted a right-to-work bill in 1947, but it was repealed in 1949 by the state legislature and governor.[44]
See also[edit]
At-will employment
Closed shop/open shop
United States labor law
References[edit]
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Jump up ^ Baird, Charles W. "Right to work before and after 14 (b)." Journal of Labor Research 19.3 (1998): 471-493.
^ Jump up to: a b "Michigan passes 'right-to-work' legislation". BBC News. December 11, 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b Schneider, Mary Beth; Sikich, Chris (February 1, 2012). "Indiana Gov. Daniels signs 'right to work' bill; protest winds through Super Bowl Village". The Indianapolis Star. Retrieved February 1, 2012.
Jump up ^ Davey, Monica (March 9, 2015). "Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin Signs Bill Curbing Union Fees". The New York Times. Retrieved March 9, 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b "The South Carolina Governance Project — Interest Groups in South Carolina," Center for Governmental Services, Institute for Public Service and Policy Research, University of South Carolina, Accessed July 6, 2007.
Dinan, Elizabeth (January 14, 2011). "N.H. Rep. proposes right to work law". Seacoast Online. Retrieved 2012-12-11.
Jump up ^ Miller, Berkeley; Canak, William (1991). "From 'Porkchoppers' to 'Lambchoppers': The Passage of Florida's Public Employee Relations Act". Industrial and Labor Relations Review. 44 (2): 349–66. doi:10.2307/2524814. JSTOR 2524814.
Partridge, Dane M. (1997). "Virginia's New Ban on Public Employee Bargaining: A Case Study of Unions, Business, and Political Competition". Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal. 10 (2): 127–39. doi:10.1023/A:1025657412651.
Canak, William; Miller, Berkeley (1990). "Gumbo Politics: Unions, Business, and Louisiana Right-to-Work Legislation". Industrial and Labor Relations Review. 43 (2): 258–71. doi:10.2307/2523703. JSTOR 2523703.
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Jump up ^ Colby, Gerard (1984). "Decade of Despair". Du Pont Dynasty: Behind the Nylon Curtain. Secaucus: Lyle Stewart.
"The racist roots of 'right to work' laws". Southernstudies.org. 2012-12-13. Retrieved 2015-05-02.
Ames, Mark. "As 'Right To Work' becomes law in Wisconsin, a reminder of its inventor's racist past". Pando.com. Retrieved 2015-05-02.
Muse, Vance (1986). "Making Peace with Grandfather". Texas Monthly. 14 (2): 142.
Mirer, J. (2013). "Right-to-Work Laws: History and Fightback". National Law. Guild Rev. 70: 30.
Jump up ^ NFL Collective Bargaining Agreement 2006-2012: Art. V, Sec. 1.
Jump up ^ Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers, Int'l Union v. Mobil Oil Corp., 426 U.S. 407, 414 (1976) (Marshall, J.).
Jump up ^ Orr v. National Football League Players Ass'n, 145 L.R.R.M. (BNA) 2224, 1993 WL 604063 (Va.Cir.Ct. 1993).
Jump up ^ "Appeals Court Upholds Local Right-to-Work Laws in Kentucky and Ohio". National Review. 2016-11-21. Retrieved 2016-12-08.
Jump up ^ Carter v. Carter Coal Co., 298 U. S. 238, at 311 (1936).
Jump up ^ Campbell, Simon. "Right-to-Work vs Forced Unionism". StopTeacherStrikes, Inc. Retrieved November 14, 2012. Fair share is compulsory dues. A non-union employee is forced to financially support an organization they did not vote for, in order to receive monopoly representation they have no choice over. It is financial coercion and a violation of freedom of choice. Money is forcibly withheld from non-union employees' paychecks and sent to a private organization. When an agency-shop agreement exists in a school district or county, every employee must pay dues to the union as a condition of their employment. They must pay-up or leave. Should anyone's ability to get or keep a job depend on whether they pay dues to a union? Non-union teachers have struggled in court to try and stop their forced dues from being used for political activity by the union.
Jump up ^ "What is the Adventist Church's stance on trade unions?". perspectives.adventist.org. 2016-10-04. Retrieved 2016-11-25.
Justice, Diana (2003-06-01). "Adventist Labor Unions". GleanerNow. Retrieved 2016-11-25.
"Lt 26, 1903 - Ellen G. White Writings". text.egwwritings.org. Retrieved 2016-11-25.
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Jump up ^ "Use of Dues for Politics". Center for Union Facts. Retrieved 2016-05-04.
Jump up ^ "How do I cut off the use of my dues for politics and other nonbargaining activities?". National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation. Retrieved 2016-05-04.
^ Jump up to: a b Kahlenberg, Richard D.; Marvit, Moshe Z. (December 13, 2012). "Right to Work" Isn't a Civil Right. But Unionizing Should Be".
^ Jump up to: a b c Gould, Elise; Shierholz, Heidi (2011). "The Compensation penalty of "right-to-work" laws"" (PDF). Retrieved 2012-12-11.
Jump up ^ Greenhouse, Steven (January 3, 2011). "States Seek Laws to Curb Power of Unions". The New York Times.
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Chicago Local Teachers Union v Hudson 475 U.S. 292. 310 (1986)
Jump up ^ "Employer/Union Rights and Obligations". National Labor Relations Board.
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Jump up ^ "Examining the opposition's tangled web — the who's who in the right wing". The Machinist. International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers, AFL-CIO/CLC. October 1977. p. 4.
^ Jump up to: a b "Questions and Answers about the National Right to Work Committee and the National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation" (PDF). United Auto Workers. Archived from the original (PDF) on September 6, 2008.
Jump up ^ "Meet the billionaires behind No Rights At Work". Teamster Nation. January 27, 2013. Retrieved February 14, 2013.
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Jump up ^ Holmes, Thomas J. (1998). "The Effect of State Policies on the Location of Manufacturing: Evidence from State Borders". Journal of Political Economy. 106 (4): 667–705. doi:10.1086/250026.
Jump up ^ Evans, Gordon (December 10, 2012). "Upjohn Institute economist on right to work laws". WMUK. Retrieved 2017-02-26.
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Jump up ^ Texas v. Ohio, "Texas is prospering while Ohio lags"| The Wall Street Journal| March 3, 2008| Accessed July 18, 2008.
^ Jump up to: a b Vernuccio, Vincent; Lehman, Joseph G. (December 14, 2012). "Vernuccio and Lehman: An Inspiration and a Warning From Michigan". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved December 18, 2012.
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Jump up ^ "Poll: Michigan evenly divided on right-to-work law". MLive.com. Retrieved 2015-05-02.
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"Right to Work States: Florida | National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation". Nrtw.org. Retrieved 2015-05-02.
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"LABOR CODE CHAPTER 101. LABOR ORGANIZATIONS". Statutes.legis.state.tx.us. Retrieved 2015-05-02.
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External links[edit]
Find more aboutRight-to-work lawat Wikipedia's sister projects
Definitions from Wiktionary
Opposed to right-to-work laws[edit]
Wisconsin Contractor Coalition
Supported right-to-work laws[edit]
Wisconsin Manufacturers and Commerce
Michigan Chamber of Commerce
National Right to Work Committee
National Right to Work Legal Defense Fund
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Where Do You Go To (My Lovely)?
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (July 2009) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
"Where Do You Go To (My Lovely)?"
Single by Peter Sarstedt
from the album Peter Sarstedt
B-side
"Morning Mountain"
Released
January 1969 (1969-01)
Format
7"
Genre
Folk
pop
waltz
Length
4:42
Label
United Artists
Songwriter(s)
Peter Sarstedt
Producer(s)
Ray Singer
Peter Sarstedt singles chronology
"I Am a Cathedral"
(1968) "Where Do You Go To (My Lovely)?"
(1969) "Frozen Orange Juice"
(1969)
"I Am a Cathedral"
(1968) "Where Do You Go To (My Lovely)?"
(1969) "Frozen Orange Juice"
(1969)
"Where Do You Go To (My Lovely)?" is a song by the British singer-songwriter Peter Sarstedt. Its recording was produced by Ray Singer, engineered by John Mackswith at Lansdowne Recording Studios and released in 1969. It was a number-one 1 hit in the UK Singles Chart for four weeks in 1969,[1] and was awarded the 1969 Ivor Novello Award for Best Song Musically and Lyrically.[2] In the United States, the record reached No. 61 on the Cash Box Top 100 Singles. The single also peaked at No. 70 on the Billboard Hot 100 that May.
The music has been described as "a faux European waltz tune"[3] and the arrangement is a very simple one of strummed acoustic guitar and bass guitar, with brief bursts of French-style accordion at the start and the end. The arranger and conductor was Ian Green.[4]
Contents
[hide]
1 Lyrics
2 Inspiration
3 Reception
4 Sequel
5 References
Lyrics[edit]
This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (March 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
The song is about a fictional girl named Marie-Claire who grows up on the poverty-stricken backstreets of Naples, becomes a member of the jet set, and goes on to live in Paris. The lyrics describe her from the perspective of a childhood friend; it is left unclear whether they have remained close. The rhetorical question of the title suggests that her glamorous lifestyle might not have brought Marie-Claire happiness or contentment.
Even though Sarstedt himself was not French, the song benefited from the contemporary awareness in Britain of such French and Belgian singers as Serge Gainsbourg and Jacques Brel (Belgium-born of Flemish descent).
The lyrics contain a large number of contemporary and other references:
Marlene Dietrich: German American actress and singer
Zizi Jeanmaire: French ballerina
Pierre Balmain: French designer of elegant fashions
Boulevard Saint-Michel: street in the Latin Quarter of Paris
The Rolling Stones: popular British rock and roll band
Sacha Distel: French singer and musician
Sorbonne: University of Paris
Picasso: Spanish pioneer of modern art
Juan-les-Pins: fashionable beach resort on the French Riviera
Topless swimsuit: first conceived by Austrian-American fashion designer Rudi Gernreich in 1964
Saint Moritz: fashionable ski resort in the Engadin, Swiss Alps
Napoleon brandy: a blended brandy in which the youngest brandy of the blend has been aged for at least six years
Aga Khan: world-travelling Islamic leader and racehorse owner
The version on the album Peter Sarstedt is longer than the radio edit version released as a single, having extra stanzas beginning "You go to the embassy parties..." and "You're in between twenty and thirty...".
Inspiration[edit]
It is often suspected that the name Marie-Claire is inspired by Marie Claire magazine, a women's fashion weekly that began in 1937 in France. One theory says that the song is about the Italian actress Sophia Loren, who was abandoned by her father and had a poverty-stricken life in Naples. Another theory has the song being inspired by Danish singer and actress Nina van Pallandt.
According to Alan Cooper, "Sarstedt insisted it was not written with actress Sophia Loren in mind. 'Yes, it's a portrait of a poor-born girl who becomes a member of the European jet-set. And yes, there's reference to her growing up on the 'back streets of Naples', so I can see why people may think it was written with Sophia Loren in mind. But that's just a coincidence. I really wasn't thinking of anyone specific.'"[5]
The song was written in Copenhagen.[6][7]
In 2009, Sarstedt spoke to a gossip columnist for the Daily Express. He admitted he had lied about the song being about a socialite who died in a fire. He said that the song was about his girlfriend at the time, whom he later married and then divorced. According to Mark Steyn, "Anita is now a dentist in Copenhagen. Peter Sarstedt has spent 40 years singing about wanting to look inside her head. And for most of that time Anita has made a living by looking inside yours."[8]
Reception[edit]
The song was a hit far exceeding Sarstedt's other work, although he is not a one-hit wonder. In 1998 he was earning £60,000 annually in royalties from it.[9]
DJ John Peel repeatedly stated that the song was one of his least favourites. On his show on BFBS radio on 1 July 1989, he said: 'It's a terrible, smug, self-satisfied, hideous record. Really have hated it ever since I first heard it'.[citation needed]
The song was used as a soundtrack in Wes Anderson's 2007 film The Darjeeling Limited, and in Jennifer Saunders' 2016 film Absolutely Fabulous: The Movie.
Sequel[edit]
In 1997 Sarstedt recorded a sequel, "The Last of the Breed (Lovely 2)" on his CD England's Lane.[10] This picks up the story of Marie Claire twenty years on, living now in London. It names more people and places, including Belgravia, Ballets Russes, Cape Town, Claridge's, Gstaad, John Galliano, Harrods, Jerusalem, Long Island, Milan, Rudolf Nureyev, Palm Beach, Rio de Janeiro, and Isabella Rossellini.[11] In recent years,[when?] Sarstedt and a co-writer were working on a further sequel, "Farewell Marie-Claire", in which the story was brought to a conclusion. The song was to feature the same waltz feel as the original. But Sarstedt's retirement from the music industry meant that the track was abandoned.[citation needed]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Roberts, David (2006). British Hit Singles & Albums (19th ed.). London: Guinness World Records Limited. pp. 229–30. ISBN 1-904994-10-5.
Jump up ^ Lister, David (27 May 1994). "Pop ballads bite back in lyrical fashion". The Independent. Retrieved 26 June 2017.
Jump up ^ Eder, Bruce. "Peter Sarstedt: biography". Allmusic. Retrieved 7 October 2012.
Jump up ^ "Record Details". 45cat. Retrieved 26 June 2017.
Jump up ^ "60's chart topper Peter Sarstedt visits the KZN Midlands". Treeroutes.co.za. Archived from the original on 2014-07-22. Retrieved 2014-03-26.
Jump up ^ Confirmation of this can be found on the CD cover of The Best of Peter Sarstedt, EMI, nr. 8297622, Australian CD.
Jump up ^ "One of those songs by Sarstedt". Sydney Morning Herald. 27 June 1982. Retrieved 2014-05-11.
Jump up ^ Steyn, Mark. "Where Do You Go To My Lovely". Steyn Online. Mark Steyn. Retrieved 10 January 2017.
Jump up ^ Murphy, Peter (27 May 1998). "So Where Did You Go To, My Lovely?". Hot Press. Dublin. Retrieved 2 September 2016.
Jump up ^ England's Lane released as Round Tower RTM CD89
Jump up ^ "Untitled" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 May 2006. Retrieved 26 June 2017.
Preceded by
"(If Paradise Is) Half as Nice" by Amen Corner UK number one single
26 February 1969 Succeeded by
"I Heard It Through the Grapevine" by Marvin Gaye
[hide]
v
t
e
Ivor Novello Awards – Best Song Musically and Lyrically
1960s
She's Leaving Home (1968)
1970s
Where Do You Go To (My Lovely)? (1970)
Something (1971)
Don't Let It Die (1972)
Without You (1973)
Daniel (1974)
Streets of London* (1975)
Don't Cry for Me Argentina (1978)
Baker Street (1979)
1980s
The Logical Song (1980)
Woman in Love (1981)
Memory (1982)
Have You Ever Been in Love (1983)
Every Breath You Take (1984)
Against All Odds (1985)
Nikita (1986)
Don't Give Up (1987)
Something Inside So Strong (1988)
They Dance Alone (1989)
1990s
The Living Years (1990)
Sacrifice (1991)
The Whole of the Moon (1992)
Why (1993)
If I Ever Lose My Faith in You (1994)
Think Twice (1995)
Common People (1996)
Too Much Love Will Kill You (1997)
Paranoid Android (1998)
Believe (1999)
2000s
Strong (2000)
Babylon (2001)
Walk On (2002)
The Other Side (2003)
Leave Right Now (2004)
Dry Your Eyes (2005)
Suddenly I See (2006)
Elusive (2007)
Love Is a Losing Game (2008)
One Day Like This (2009)
2010s
The Fear (2010)
Becoming a Jackal (2011)
The A Team (2012)
Next to Me (2013)
Strong (2014)
Take Me to Church (2015)
Wasn't Expecting That (2016)
Black Man in a White World (2017)
*Awarded as The Best Song
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Where_Do_You_Go_To_(My_Lovely)%3F&oldid=833408387"
Categories:
1969 singles
2006 singles
UK Singles Chart number-one singles
Number-one singles in Australia
Irish Singles Chart number-one singles
Peter Sarstedt songs
1969 songs
United Artists Records singles
Cultural depictions of Pablo Picasso
Songs about The Rolling Stones
Songs about Naples
Songs about Paris
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text:
Union budget of India
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
The Union Budget of India, also referred to as the Annual Financial Statement in the Article 112 of the Constitution of India,[1] is the annual budget of the Republic of India. The Government presents it on the first day of February so that it could be materialized before the commencement of new financial year in April. Till 2016 it was presented on the last working day of February by the Finance Minister of India in Parliament. The budget, which is presented by means of the Finance bill and the Appropriation bill has to be passed by both the Houses before it can come into effect from April 1, the start of India's financial year.
An Interim Budget is not the same as a 'Vote on Account'. While a 'Vote on Account' deals only with the expenditure side of the government's budget, an Interim Budget is a complete set of accounts, including both expenditure and receipts. An Interim Budget gives the complete financial statement, very similar to a full Budget. While the law does not debar the Union government from introducing tax changes, normally during an election year, successive governments have avoided making any major changes in income tax laws during an Interim Budget.
As of September 2017[update], Morarji Desai has presented 10 budgets which is the highest followed by P Chidambaram's 9 and Pranab Mukherjee's 8. Yashwant Sinha, Yashwantrao Chavan and C.D. Deshmukh have presented 7 budgets each while Manmohan Singh and T.T. Krishnamachari have presented 6 budgets.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Chronology
1.1 Pre-liberalisation
1.2 Post-liberalisation
2 Traditions
2.1 Time of Budget announcement
2.2 Date of Budget announcement
2.3 Halwa Ceremony
3 References
4 External links
Chronology[edit]
Pre-liberalisation[edit]
The first Union budget of independent India was presented by R. K. Shanmukham Chetty on November 26, 1947.
The Union budgets for the fiscal years 1959-61 to 1963-64, inclusive of the interim budget for 1962-63, were presented by Morarji Desai.On February 29 in 1964 and 1968, he became the only finance minister to present the Union budget on his birthday.[3] Desai presented budgets that included five annual budgets and an interim budget during his first stint and three final budgets and one interim budget in his second tenure when he was both the Finance Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister of India.
After Desai's resignation, Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India, took over the Ministry of Finance to become the only woman to hold the post of the Finance Minister.
Pranab Mukherjee, the first Rajya Sabha member to hold the Finance portfolio, presented the annual budgets for the financial years 1982-83, 1983–84 and 1984-85.
Rajiv Gandhi presented the budget for 1987-89, after V. P. Singh quit his government, and in the process became the third Prime Minister to present a budget after his mother and grandfather.
N. D. Tiwari presented the budget for 1988-89, S. B. Chavan for 1989-90, while Madhu Dandawate presented the Union budget for 1990-91.
Dr. Manmohan Singh became the Finance Minister and presented the interim budget for 1991-92 as elections were forced.
Due to political developments, early elections were held in May 1991 following which the Indian National Congress returned to political power and Manmohan Singh, the Finance Minister, presented the budget for 1991-92.
Post-liberalisation[edit]
Manmohan Singh under P. V. Narasimha Rao, in his next annual budgets from 1992–93, opened the economy,[4] encouraged foreign investments and reduced peak import duty from 300 plus percent to 50 percent.
After elections in 1996, a non-Congress ministry assumed office. Hence the financial budget for 1996-97 was presented by P. Chidambaram, who then belonged to Tamil Maanila Congress.
Following a constitutional crisis when the I. K. Gujral Ministry was on its way out, a special session of Parliament was convened just to pass Chidambaram's 1997-98 budget. This budget was passed without a debate.
After the general elections in March 1998 that led to the Bharatiya Janata Party forming the Central Government, Yashwant Sinha, the then Finance Minister in this government, presented the interim and final budgets for 1998-99.
After general elections in 1999, Sinha again became the Finance Minister and presented four annual budgets from 1999-2000 to 2002-2003. Due to elections in May 2004, an interim budget was presented by Jaswant Singh.
Former Finance Minister Morarji Desai presented the budget ten times, the most by any.
The Union Budget of India for 2012–2013 was presented by Pranab Mukherjee, the Finance Minister of India on 16 March 2012, which was the 7th budget of his career. These budgetary proposals would be applicable for financial year 1 April 2012 to 31 March 2013.
The Union Budget of India for 2013–2014 was presented by P. Chidambaram on 28 February 2013. The Interim Union Budget for 2014–2015 was presented on February 17, 2014.[5]
The Union Budget of India for 2014–2015 was presented by Arun Jaitley on 10 July 2014.[6]
The Union Budget of India for 2015–2016 was presented by Arun Jaitley on 28 February 2015.[7]
The Union Budget of India for 2016–2017 was presented by Arun Jaitley on 29 February 2016.[8]
The Union Budget of India for 2017–2018 was presented by Arun Jaitley on 1 February 2017.[9][10]
The Union Budget of India for 2018–2019 was presented by Arun Jaitley on 1 February 2018.[11]
Traditions[edit]
Time of Budget announcement[edit]
Until the year 1999, the Union Budget was announced at 6:00 pm on the last working day of the month of February. This practice was inherited from the Colonial Era, Another reason was that until the 1990s, all that budgets seem to do was to raise taxes, a presentation in the evening gave producers and the tax collecting agencies the night to work out the change in prices. It was Mr.Yashwant Sinha, the then Finance Minister of India in the NDA government (led by Bharatiya Janata Party) of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who changed the ritual by announcing the 1999 Union Budget at 11 am.[12]
Date of Budget announcement[edit]
Also again in 2017, departing from the colonial-era tradition of presenting the Union Budget on the last working day of February, Minister of Finance (India) Arun Jaitley, in the NDA government (led by Bharatiya Janata Party) of Narendra Modi government announced that it will now be presented on 1 February. [13] Additionally Rail Budget, presented separately for 92 Years, merged with union budget.[14]
Halwa Ceremony[edit]
The printing of budget documents starts roughly a week ahead of presenting in the Parliament with a customary 'Halwa ceremony' in which halwa (a sweet dish) is prepared in large quantities and served to the officers and support staff involved. They remain isolated and stay in the North Block office until the Budget is presented. Halwa is also served by the Finance Minister. This ceremony is performed as a part of the Indian tradition of having something sweet before starting an important work.[15]
1947 Union budget of India
2009 Union budget of India
2010 Union budget of India
2011 Union budget of India
2012 Union budget of India
2013 Union budget of India
2014 Interim-Union budget of India
2014 Union budget of India
2015 Union budget of India
2016 Union budget of India
2017 Union budget of India
2018 Union budget of India
Railway Budget of India
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Procedure in Financial Matters" (PDF). Ministry of Law and Justice (India). p. 24. Retrieved 1 March 2015.
Jump up ^ "Chidambaram is second only to Morarji Desai in presenting Budget". www.businesstoday.in. Retrieved 29 September 2017.
Jump up ^ "The Central Budgets in retrospect". pib.nic.in.
Jump up ^ "Meet Manmohan Singh, the economist". 2004-05-20. Retrieved 2008-02-22.
Jump up ^ "Salient Features of Interim Union Budget of India for 2014-15". IANS. news.biharprabha.com. Retrieved 17 February 2014.
Jump up ^ "Expectation from union budget 2014-15". Patrika Group. 10 July 2014. Retrieved 10 July 2014.
Jump up ^ "Highlights of union budget 2015-16". The Hindu. 28 February 2015. Retrieved 28 February 2015.
Jump up ^ "Live: Jaitley presents Union Budget 2016-17: 'Govt. will pay EPF contribution of 8.33% to all new employees for first three years'". The Hindu. 29 February 2016. Retrieved 29 February 2016.
Jump up ^ "Union Budget 2017". 24 January 2017.
Jump up ^ Desk, Internet. "Highlights of Union Budget 2017-18". The Hindu. Retrieved 2017-02-01.
Jump up ^ "Union Budget 2018 Highlights: Key takeaways from Arun Jaitley's fifth Budget". Moneycontrol. Retrieved 2018-02-01.
Jump up ^ "Budget with a difference". 2001-03-17. Retrieved 2009-03-08.
Jump up ^ "Union Budget 2017 on 1 Feb: End of a colonial hangover for speedy implementation of schemes". Firstpost.com. Firstpost. 16 November 2016.
Jump up ^ "Railway Budget, Presented For 92 Years, Merged With Union Budget". NDTV.com. NDTV.
Jump up ^ "Printing Of Union Budget Document Begins With 'Halwa' Ceremony". NDTV. Press Trust of India. February 19, 2016. Retrieved 19 February 2016.
External links[edit]
Government of India: Union Budget and Economic Survey
Economic Survey and Union Budget
List of Budget Speeches (since 1947)
Live financial minister Mr arun jaitley
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This page was last edited on 10 March 2018, at 17:23.
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