text:
Pelton wheel
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Old Pelton wheel from Walchensee Hydroelectric Power Station, Germany.
Assembly of a Pelton wheel at Walchensee Hydroelectric Power Station, Germany.
Figure from Pelton's original patent (October 1880).
Sectional view of a Pelton turbine installation.
Bucket detail on a small turbine.
The Pelton wheel is an impulse-type water turbine. It was invented by Lester Allan Pelton in the 1870s.[1][2] The Pelton wheel extracts energy from the impulse of moving water, as opposed to water's dead weight like the traditional overshot water wheel. Many variations of impulse turbines existed prior to Pelton's design, but they were less efficient than Pelton's design. Water leaving those wheels typically still had high speed, carrying away much of the dynamic energy brought to the wheels. Pelton's paddle geometry was designed so that when the rim ran at half the speed of the water jet, the water left the wheel with very little speed; thus his design extracted almost all of the water's impulse energy—which allowed for a very efficient turbine.
Contents
[hide]
1 Function
2 Applications
3 Design rules
4 Turbine physics and derivation
4.1 Energy and initial jet velocity
4.2 Final jet velocity
4.3 Optimal wheel speed
4.4 Torque
4.5 Power
4.6 Efficiency
5 System components
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
Function[edit]
Nozzles direct forceful, high-speed streams of water against a series of spoon-shaped buckets, also known as impulse blades, which are mounted around the outer rim of a drive wheel—also called a runner (see photo, 'Old Pelton wheel..'). As the water jet hits the blades, the direction of water velocity is changed to follow the contours of the blades. The impulse energy of the water jet exerts torque on the bucket-and-wheel system, spinning the wheel; the water jet does a "u-turn" and exits at the outer sides of the bucket, decelerated to a low velocity. In the process, the water jet's momentum is transferred to the wheel and hence to a turbine. Thus, "impulse" energy does work on the turbine. Maximum power and efficiency are achieved when the velocity of the water jet is twice the velocity of the rotating buckets. A very small percentage of the water jet's original kinetic energy will remain in the water, which causes the bucket to be emptied at the same rate it is filled, (see conservation of mass) and thereby allows the high-pressure input flow to continue uninterrupted and without waste of energy. Typically two buckets are mounted side-by-side on the wheel, with the water jet split into two equal streams; this balances the side-load forces on the wheel and helps to ensure smooth, efficient transfer of momentum from the water jet to the turbine wheel.
Because water is nearly incompressible, almost all of the available energy is extracted in the first stage of the hydraulic turbine. Therefore, Pelton wheels have only one turbine stage, unlike gas turbines that operate with compressible fluid.[citation needed]
Applications[edit]
Pelton wheels are the preferred turbine for hydro-power where the available water source has relatively high hydraulic head at low flow rates. Pelton wheels are made in all sizes. There exist multi-ton Pelton wheels mounted on vertical oil pad bearings in hydroelectric plants. The largest units - the Bieudron Hydroelectric Power Station at the Grande Dixence Dam complex in Switzerland - are over 400 megawatts [1]. The smallest Pelton wheels are only a few inches across, and can be used to tap power from mountain streams having flows of a few gallons per minute. Some of these systems use household plumbing fixtures for water delivery. These small units are recommended for use with 30 metres (100 ft) or more of head, in order to generate significant power levels. Depending on water flow and design, Pelton wheels operate best with heads from 15–1,800 metres (50–5,910 ft), although there is no theoretical limit.
Design rules[edit]
The specific speed η s {\displaystyle \eta _{s}} parameter is independent of a particular turbine's size.
Compared to other turbine designs, the relatively low specific speed of the Pelton wheel, implies that the geometry is inherently a "low gear" design. Thus it is most suitable to being fed by a hydro source with a low ratio of flow to pressure, (meaning relatively low flow and/or relatively high pressure).
The specific speed is the main criterion for matching a specific hydro-electric site with the optimal turbine type. It also allows a new turbine design to be scaled from an existing design of known performance.
η s = n P / ρ ( g H ) 5 / 4 {\displaystyle \eta _{s}=n{\sqrt {P}}/{\sqrt {\rho }}(gH)^{5/4}} (dimensioned parameter), [3]
where:
n {\displaystyle n} = Frequency of rotation (rpm)
P {\displaystyle P} = Power (W)
H {\displaystyle H} = Water head (m)
ρ {\displaystyle \rho } = Density (kg/m3)
The formula implies that the Pelton turbine is geared most suitably for applications with relatively high hydraulic head H, due to the 5/4 exponent being greater than unity, and given the characteristically low specific speed of the Pelton.[4]
Turbine physics and derivation[edit]
Energy and initial jet velocity[edit]
In the ideal (frictionless) case, all of the hydraulic potential energy (Ep = mgh) is converted into kinetic energy (Ek = mv2/2) (see Bernoulli's principle). Equating these two equations and solving for the initial jet velocity (Vi) indicates that the theoretical (maximum) jet velocity is Vi = √2gh. For simplicity, assume that all of the velocity vectors are parallel to each other. Defining the velocity of the wheel runner as: (u), then as the jet approaches the runner, the initial jet velocity relative to the runner is: (Vi − u).[4] The initial velocity of jet is Vi
Final jet velocity[edit]
Assuming that the jet velocity is higher than the runner velocity, if the water is not to become backed-up in runner, then due to conservation of mass, the mass entering the runner must equal the mass leaving the runner. The fluid is assumed to be incompressible (an accurate assumption for most liquids). Also it is assumed that the cross-sectional area of the jet is constant. The jet speed remains constant relative to the runner. So as the jet recedes from the runner, the jet velocity relative to the runner is: −(Vi − u) = −Vi + u. In the standard reference frame (relative to the earth), the final velocity is then: Vf = (−Vi + u) + u = −Vi + 2u.
Optimal wheel speed[edit]
We know that the ideal runner speed will cause all of the kinetic energy in the jet to be transferred to the wheel. In this case the final jet velocity must be zero. If we let −Vi + 2u = 0, then the optimal runner speed will be u = Vi /2, or half the initial jet velocity.
Torque[edit]
By Newton's second and third laws, the force F imposed by the jet on the runner is equal but opposite to the rate of momentum change of the fluid, so
F = −m(Vf − Vi)/t = −ρQ[(−Vi + 2u) − Vi] = −ρQ(−2Vi + 2u) = 2ρQ(Vi − u),
where ρ is the density, and Q is the volume rate of flow of fluid. If D is the wheel diameter, the torque on the runner is
T = F(D/2) = ρQD(Vi − u).
The torque is maximal when the runner is stopped (i.e. when u = 0, T = ρQDVi). When the speed of the runner is equal to the initial jet velocity, the torque is zero (i.e. when u = Vi, then T = 0). On a plot of torque versus runner speed, the torque curve is straight between these two points: (0, pQDVi) and (Vi, 0).[4] Nozzle efficiency is the ratio of the jet power to the water power at the base of nozzle
Power[edit]
The power P = Fu = Tω, where ω is the angular velocity of the wheel. Substituting for F, we have P = 2ρQ(Vi − u)u. To find the runner speed at maximum power, take the derivative of P with respect to u and set it equal to zero, [dP/du = 2ρQ(Vi − 2u)]. Maximum power occurs when u = Vi /2. Pmax = ρQVi2/2. Substituting the initial jet power Vi = √2gh, this simplifies to Pmax = ρghQ. This quantity exactly equals the kinetic power of the jet, so in this ideal case, the efficiency is 100%, since all the energy in the jet is converted to shaft output.[4]
Efficiency[edit]
A wheel power divided by the initial jet power, is the turbine efficiency, η = 4u(Vi − u)/Vi2. It is zero for u = 0 and for u = Vi. As the equations indicate, when a real Pelton wheel is working close to maximum efficiency, the fluid flows off the wheel with very little residual velocity.[4] In theory, the energy efficiency varies only with the efficiency of the nozzle and wheel, and does not vary with hydraulic head.[5] The term "efficiency" can refer to: Hydraulic, Mechanical, Volumetric, Wheel, or overall efficiency.
System components[edit]
The conduit bringing high-pressure water to the impulse wheel is called the penstock. Originally the penstock was the name of the valve, but the term has been extended to include all of the fluid supply hydraulics. Penstock is now used as a general term for a water passage and control that is under pressure, whether it supplies an impulse turbine or not.[4]
See also[edit]
Peltric set
Centrifugal pump
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "COW THAT ASSISTED SCIENCE". The South Eastern Times. , (1661). South Australia. 24 November 1922. p. 6. Retrieved 10 March 2017 – via National Library of Australia.
Jump up ^ "MINING INTELLIGENCE". Launceston Examiner. XLV, (210). Tasmania, Australia. 22 August 1885. p. 3. Retrieved 10 March 2017 – via National Library of Australia.
Jump up ^ Sayers, A. T. (1990). Hydraulic and Compressible Flow Turbomachines. Mcgraw Hill Book Co Ltd. ISBN 978-0-07-707219-3.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Technical derivation of basic impulse turbine physics, by J.Calvert
Jump up ^ Pelton Wheel Water Turbine, Ron Amberger's Pages
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Pelton wheel.
Example Hydro at Dorado Vista ranch
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text:
The Gruffalo
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
The Gruffalo
The first edition
Author
Julia Donaldson
Illustrator
Axel Scheffler
Country
United Kingdom
Language
English
Genre
Children's fantasy
Publisher
Macmillan
Publication date
23 March 1999
Pages
32
ISBN
0-333-71093-2
OCLC
59379845
Followed by
The Gruffalo's Child
The Gruffalo is a children's book by writer and playwright Julia Donaldson, illustrated by Axel Scheffler, that tells the story of a mouse, the protagonist of the book, taking a walk in a European forest. The book has sold over 13 million copies,[1] has won several prizes for children's literature, and has been developed into plays on both the West End and Broadway.
The Gruffalo was initially published in 1999 in the United Kingdom by Macmillan Children's Books (ISBN 0-333-71093-2) as a 32-page hardback edition, was followed six months later by a paperback edition, and subsequently by a small-format board book edition. It was penned for readers aged three to seven, and is about 700 words long. It is written in rhyming couplets, featuring repetitive verse with minor variance.
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Recognition
2.1 Culture
3 Translations
4 Versions and products
5 Adaptations
5.1 Film
5.2 Theatre
5.3 Ride
6 Media appearances
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links
Plot[edit]
The story of a mouse's walk through the woods unfolds in two phases; in both, the mouse uses clever tricks to evade danger. On his way the mouse encounters several dangerous animals (a fox, an owl, and a snake). Each of these animals, clearly intending to eat the mouse, invites him back to their home for a meal. The cunning mouse declines each offer. To dissuade further advances, he tells each animal that he has plans to dine with his friend, a gruffalo, a monster-like hybrid that is half grizzly bear and half buffalo, whose favourite food happens to be the relevant animal, and describes the features of the gruffalo's monstrous anatomy. Frightened that the gruffalo might eat it, each animal flees. Knowing the gruffalo to be fictional, the mouse gloats thus:
Silly old fox/owl/snake, doesn't he know?
there's no such thing as a gruffalo!
After getting rid of the last animal, the mouse is shocked to encounter a real gruffalo – with all the frightening features the mouse thought that he was inventing. The gruffalo threatens to eat the mouse, but again the mouse is cunning: he tells the gruffalo that he, the mouse, is the scariest animal in the forest. Laughing, the gruffalo agrees to follow the mouse as he demonstrates how feared he is. The two walk through the forest, encountering in turn the animals that had earlier menaced the mouse. Each is terrified by the sight of the pair and runs off – and each time the gruffalo becomes more impressed with the mouse's apparent toughness. Exploiting this, the mouse threatens to eat the gruffalo, which flees.
The story is based on a Chinese folk tale of a fox that borrows the terror of a tiger. Donaldson was unable to think of rhymes for "tiger" so instead she invented a word that rhymes with "know".[2][3]
Recognition[edit]
One of the scenes on the Gruffalo Trail
The Gruffalo won the gold award (in the 0–5 years category) of the 1999 Nestlé Smarties Book Prize. It was the UK's best-selling picture book of 2000, won the 2000 Nottingham/Experian Children's Book award, and the Blue Peter Best Book To Read Aloud award. The audio version won the Best Children's Audio award in the Spoken Book Awards.[4] In November 2009 the book was voted "best bedtime story" by listeners of BBC Radio 2.[5] In a 2010 survey by UK charity Booktime, the book came first in a list of children's favourite books.[6]
Culture[edit]
The Dean Heritage Centre in the Forest of Dean, England was given permission by author Julia Donaldson, illustrator Axel Scheffler and the publisher's Macmillan Children's Books, London, UK, to create the Gruffalo trail within the national park.[7]
Translations[edit]
The Gruffalo has sold over 13 million copies in 59 editions worldwide.[1] Translations include
Afrikaans (Die Goorgomgaai)
Breton (Ar Groufalo)
Bulgarian (Gruzulak)
Catalan (El Grúfal)
Croatian (Grubzon)
Doric Scots (The Doric Gruffalo)
Dutch (De Gruffalo)
Estonian (Grühvel)
Finnish (Mörkyli)
French (Gruffalo)
German (Der Grüffelo)
Greek (Το Γκρούφαλο)
Hebrew (Trofoti)
Hungarian (A graffaló)
Icelandic (Greppikló)
Irish (An Garbhán)
Italian (Il Gruffalò)
Latin (Gruffalo)
Latvian (Bubulis)
Lithuanian (Grufas)
Low German (De Grüffelo)
Manx (Yn Gruffalo)
Maori (Te Tanguruhau)
Norwegian (Gruffaloen)
Orcadian Scots (The Orkney Gruffalo)
Polish (Gruffalo)
Portuguese (O Grufalão)
Romanian (Gruffalo)
Russian (Груффало)
Serbian (Грозон)
Slovene (Zverjasec)
Scots (The Gruffalo)
Scottish Gaelic (An Gruffalo)
Shetland Scots (The Shetland Gruffalo)
Spanish (El Grúfalo)
Swedish (Gruffalon)
Turkish (Tostoraman)
Welsh (Y Gryffalo)
Versions and products[edit]
The book was initially sold as an A4 paperback book in 1999, and later as a smaller A5 board book version in 2002. An audiobook version, narrated by Imelda Staunton, was released in 2002, and a jigsaw book version (ISBN 1-4050-3496-3) was published in 2004. The book is also sold packaged with a gruffalo soft toy. At some point in the print run of the hardcover paper page book, the dialogue was subtly changed. There are two different ISBN numbers for the book. However, the older ISBN number that relates to the original text is no longer available.[citation needed]
The "Gruffalo song" was released with the audiobook, as a standalone CD single, and on a musical CD with other songs from Donaldson's books.[citation needed]
Donaldson and Scheffler's sequel, 2004's The Gruffalo's Child (which tells the story of the gruffalo's daughter, warned by her father of the terrifying mouse) won the "Best Children's Book" award in the 2005 British Book Awards.
A Gruffalo Woodland Trail has been created at the Dean Heritage Centre, Soudley in the Forest of Dean, UK. The trail depicts the scenes from the book and has been carved by local chainsaw artists out of local redwood. The trail runs daily throughout 2012.
A ridable wheeled Gruffalo children's suitcase is manufactured for Trunki; the case had been featured as a pitch idea on the entrepreneur game show Dragons' Den and[citation needed] rejected by the show's judges.
Donaldson and Scheffler have collaborated on many other titles; some feature cameos from the Gruffalo in other guises,[8] including as Christmas tree decoration in Stick Man, a drawing by a child in The Snail and the Whale and a fish in Tiddler.
Adaptations[edit]
Film[edit]
Main article: The Gruffalo (film)
The book has been adapted into a 27-minute animated film,[9] which was broadcast on BBC One in the UK on 25 December 2009.[10] This version features Robbie Coltrane in the title role, James Corden as the mouse, Helena Bonham Carter as the mother squirrel narrator, and Rob Brydon as the Snake.[11] The production was animated at Studio Soi[12] in Germany and produced through Magic Light Pictures.[13] The film also has the voices of John Hurt as the Owl and Tom Wilkinson as the Fox. It was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Short Film (Animated) on 25 January 2011. The film was also nominated for a BAFTA in 2010.[14]
Theatre[edit]
The Gruffalo has been adapted for the stage by Meneer Monster. The production has toured around The Netherlands and Belgium in 2014, and will continue in 2015. The Meneer Monster production performed around 250 times. In June 2014 Meneer Monster made a South African version of the Gruffalo with twenty Market Theatre Laboratory students in Johannesburg.
The Gruffalo has been adapted for the stage by Tall Stories theatre company. The production has visited the West End for the last five years, including a staging at the Lyric Theatre, London during Christmas, most recently 2014. The Tall Stories production has also toured the UK and internationally, including performances at Sydney Opera House in September 2011 and in the UK most years. It returned to the Lyric Theatre, London in Summer 2015.
Ride[edit]
Chessington World of Adventures opened a ride called 'The Gruffalo River Ride Adventure', using the original water transit system used on The Bubbleworks Ride.
Media appearances[edit]
The book appears in the Doctor Who series 5 episode "The Hungry Earth": Mo reads it to his son, then later by himself before the "strange event" happens.
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Marshall, Konrad (27 February 2015). "The Gruffalo author Julia Donaldson reveals where ideas bubble up from". The Canberra Times. Fairfax Media Ltd. Retrieved 2 March 2015.
Jump up ^ McCrum, Robert (29 August 2004). "Interview: Julia Donaldson". The Guardian. London.
Jump up ^ Information on Julia Donaldson, children's author and creator of The Gruffalo
Jump up ^ h2g2 - 'The Gruffalo' and 'The Gruffalo's Child' - Children's Stories
Jump up ^ BBC - Radio 2 - Jeremy Vine - Jeremy Vine's Bedtime Stories
Jump up ^ "Gruffalo tops list of children's favorite books". BBC News. 18 October 2010. Retrieved 19 October 2010.
Jump up ^ "Dean Heritage Centre". Dean Heritage Centre. Retrieved 5 April 2012.
Jump up ^ "Julia Donaldson & Axel Scheffler Character Cameos".
Jump up ^ "Gruffalo to menace Christmas TV". BBC. 22 June 2009. Retrieved 27 December 2009.
Jump up ^ "The Gruffalo, Christmas Day, BBC1, 5.30 pm". Daily Mirror. UK. 24 December 2009. Retrieved 27 December 2009.
Jump up ^ "The Gruffalo BBC One Christmas special". BBC. 22 June 2009. Retrieved 27 December 2009.
Jump up ^ Studio Soi
Jump up ^ Magic Light Pictures – The Gruffalo
Jump up ^ "The Gruffalo Oscar nomination". Licensing Today Worldwide. 28 January 2011. Retrieved 20 February 2011.
Further reading[edit]
Julia Donaldson video podcast, the author discusses The Gruffalo on scottishbooktrust.com
news story about the Tall Stories production at Sydney Opera House
The Gruffalo creator Julia Donaldson reveals the story behind Britain's best-loved bedtime story By JENNY JOHNSTON, Daily Mail, 1 January 2010
External links[edit]
Children's literature portal
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Gruffalo.
Listen to this article (info/dl)
This audio file was created from a revision of the article "The Gruffalo" dated 2005-07-22, and does not reflect subsequent edits to the article. (Audio help)
More spoken articles
gruffalo.com, the book's website
the author's website
thegruffalolive.com, the website for the stage adaptation
meneermonster.com, The website of the Dutch theatre company who have adapted the book for theatre
Tall Stories, the website of the theatre company who have adapted the book for the stage
ESL resources for primary school teachers
Who would love a Gruffalo?, Giles Wilson, BBC News Magazine, 22 October 2010
deanheritagecentre.com - gruffalotrail The Gruffalo trail at the Dean Heritage Centre for 2012
[hide]
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The Gruffalo
Creators
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Axel Scheffler
Books
The Gruffalo
The Gruffalo's Child
Films
The Gruffalo
The Gruffalo's Child
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=The_Gruffalo&oldid=815827728"
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One-drop rule
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
The one-drop rule is a social and legal principle of racial classification that was historically prominent in the United States asserting that any person with even one ancestor of sub-Saharan-African ancestry ("one drop" of black blood)[1][2] is considered black (Negro in historical terms), its implications of racial purity being that anyone unable to pass for white in the context of the US racial hierarchy is assigned the lower status of being non-white or colored.
This concept evolved over the course of the 19th century and became codified into the law of some states in the early 20th century. It was associated with the principle of "invisible blackness" and is an example of hypodescent, the automatic assignment of children of a mixed union between different socioeconomic or ethnic groups to the group with the lower status.[3]
The social and legal concept of the "one-drop rule" does not exist outside the United States.[4] The "one-drop rule" is defunct in the United States and was never codified into federal law.
Contents
[hide]
1 Antebellum conditions
2 Native Americans
3 Twentieth century
4 Legislation and practice
5 Plecker case
6 Other countries of the Americas
6.1 Brazil
6.2 Puerto Rico
7 Racial mixtures of blacks and whites in modern America
8 Allusions
9 See also
10 References
11 Further reading
12 External links
Antebellum conditions[edit]
Further information: Partus sequitur ventrem, Children of the plantation, and Octoroon
See also: Casta
Before and during the centuries of slavery, people had interracial relationships, both forced and voluntarily formed. In the antebellum years, free people of mixed race (free people of color) were considered legally white if individuals had less than one-eighth or one-quarter African ancestry (depending on the state).[5] Many mixed-race people were absorbed into the majority culture based simply on appearance, associations and carrying out community responsibilities. These and community acceptance were the more important factors if a person's racial status were questioned, not his or her documented ancestry. Because of the social mobility of antebellum society in frontier areas, many people did not have documentation about their ancestors.
Based on DNA and historical evidence, Thomas Jefferson is widely believed to have fathered the six mixed-race children of his slave Sally Hemings; four survived to adulthood. Hemings was three-quarters white by ancestry and a half-sister of Martha Wayles Jefferson.[quote 1] Their children were born into slavery because of her status; as they were seven-eighths European in ancestry, they were legally white under Virginia law of the time.[6] Jefferson allowed the two oldest to escape in 1822 (freeing them legally was a public action he elected to avoid); the two youngest he freed in his 1826 will. Three of the four entered white society as adults, and all their descendants identified as white.[6]
Although racial segregation was adopted legally by southern states of the former Confederacy in the late 19th century, legislators resisted defining race by law as part of preventing interracial marriages. In 1895 in South Carolina during discussion, George D. Tillman said,
It is a scientific fact that there is not one full-blooded Caucasian on the floor of this convention. Every member has in him a certain mixture of... colored blood...It would be a cruel injustice and the source of endless litigation, of scandal, horror, feud, and bloodshed to undertake to annul or forbid marriage for a remote, perhaps obsolete trace of Negro blood. The doors would be open to scandal, malice, and greed.[7]
The one-drop rule was not adopted as law until the 20th century: first in Tennessee in 1910 and in Virginia under the Racial Integrity Act of 1924 (following the passage of similar laws in several other states).
Native Americans[edit]
Further information: Lineal descendant and Blood quantum laws
In the early colonial years, marriages between Natives and non-Natives usually consisted of a white father and an Indian mother. This was due to the majority of the early colonists being male. Among many tribes, mixed-race children are considered part of the community if they are raised in the culture. This is particularly the case in matrilineal nations, where if the mother is a citizen of the nation, so are all her children, no matter who the father may be. Among patrilineal tribes, such as the Omaha, a child born to an Omaha mother and a white father could belong officially to the Omaha tribe only if the child were formally adopted into it by a male citizen.[note 1]
Twentieth century[edit]
In the U.S., the concept of the one-drop rule has been chiefly applied by white Americans to those of sub-Saharan black African ancestry in the 20th century, when they were trying to maintain white supremacy. The poet Langston Hughes wrote in his 1940 memoir:
You see, unfortunately, I am not black. There are lots of different kinds of blood in our family. But here in the United States, the word 'Negro' is used to mean anyone who has any Negro blood at all in his veins. In Africa, the word is more pure. It means all Negro, therefore black. I am brown.[9]
Whites also applied this rule to mixed-race descendants of Native American and African ethnicity, classifying them as African. In this they ignored how people identified themselves; many Native American tribes reared children of mixed race as culturally within their tribe. This distinction was critical as Native American slavery had ended during the colonial years. A child of a Native American mother should not be enslaved.
Today there are no enforceable laws in the U.S. in which the one-drop rule is applicable. Sociologically, however, the concept remains somewhat pervasive, embraced mostly by people of Sub-Saharan African descent, and research has shown that some white people associate bi-racial children with the non-white race of the individual.[10][11]
Legislation and practice[edit]
Both before and after the American Civil War, many people of mixed ancestry who "looked white" and were of mostly white ancestry were legally absorbed into the white majority. State laws established differing standards. For instance, an 1822 Virginia law stated that to be defined as mulatto (that is, multi-racial), a person had to have at least one-quarter (equivalent to one grandparent) African ancestry.[quote 2] Social acceptance and identity were historically the keys to racial identity. Virginia's one-fourth standard remained in place until 1910, when the standard was changed to one sixteenth. In 1924, under the Racial Integrity Act, even the one sixteenth standard was scrapped. This act defined a person as legally "colored" (black) for classification and legal purposes if the individual had any African ancestry.
Although the Virginia legislature increased restrictions on free blacks following the Nat Turner Rebellion of 1831, it refrained from establishing a one-drop rule. When a proposal was made by Travis H. Eppes and debated in 1853, representatives realized that such a rule could adversely affect whites, as they were aware of generations of interracial relationships. During the debate, a person wrote to the Charlottesville newspaper:
[If a one-drop rule were adopted], I doubt not, if many who are reputed to be white, and are in fact so, do not in a very short time find themselves instead of being elevated, reduced by the judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction, to the level of a free negro.[5]:230
The state legislators agreed. No such law was passed until 1924, apparently assisted by the fading recollection of familial histories.
The Melungeons are a group of multiracial families of mostly European and African ancestry whose ancestors were free in colonial Virginia. They migrated to the frontier in Kentucky and Tennessee. Their descendants have been documented over the decades as having tended to marry persons classified as "white".[12] Their descendants became assimilated into the majority culture from the 19th to the 20th centuries.
Pursuant to Reconstruction later in the 19th century, southern states acted to impose racial segregation by law and restrict the liberties of blacks, specifically passing laws to exclude them from politics and voting. From 1890 to 1908, all of the former Confederate states passed such laws, and most preserved disfranchisement until after passage of federal civil rights laws in the 1960s. At the South Carolina constitutional convention in 1895, an anti-miscegenation law and changes that would disfranchise blacks were proposed. Delegates debated a proposal for a one-drop rule to include in these laws. George D. Tillman said the following in opposition:
If the law is made as it now stands respectable families in Aiken, Barnwell, Colleton, and Orangeburg will be denied the right to intermarry among people with whom they are now associated and identified. At least one hundred families would be affected to my knowledge. They have sent good soldiers to the Confederate Army, and are now landowners and taxpayers. Those men served creditably, and it would be unjust and disgraceful to embarrass them in this way. It is a scientific fact that there is not one full-blooded Caucasian on the floor of this convention. Every member has in him a certain mixture of... colored blood. The pure-blooded white has needed and received a certain infusion of darker blood to give him readiness and purpose. It would be a cruel injustice and the source of endless litigation, of scandal, horror, feud, and bloodshed to undertake to annul or forbid marriage for a remote, perhaps obsolete trace of Negro blood. The doors would be open to scandal, malice, and greed; to statements on the witness stand that the father or grandfather or grandmother had said that A or B had Negro blood in their veins. Any man who is half a man would be ready to blow up half the world with dynamite to prevent or avenge attacks upon the honor of his mother in the legitimacy or purity of the blood of his father.[7][13]
In 1865, Florida passed an act that both outlawed miscegenation and defined the amount of Black ancestry needed to be legally defined as a "person of color". The act stated that "every person who shall have one-eighth or more of negro blood shall be deemed and held to be a person of color." (This was the equivalent of one great-grandparent.) Additionally, the act outlawed fornication, as well as the intermarrying of white females with men of color. However, the act permitted the continuation of marriages between white persons and persons of color that were established before the law was enacted.[14]
The one-drop rule was made law, though primarily in the U.S. South, also in other states, in the 20th century—decades after the Civil War, emancipation, and the Reconstruction era. It followed restoration of white supremacy in the South and the passage of Jim Crow racial segregation laws. In the 20th century, it was also associated with the rise of eugenics and ideas of racial purity.[citation needed] From the late 1870s on, white Democrats regained political power in the former Confederate states and passed racial segregation laws controlling public facilities, and laws and constitutions from 1890 to 1910 to achieve disfranchisement of most blacks. Many poor whites were also disfranchised in these years, by changes to voter registration rules that worked against them, such as literacy tests, longer residency requirements and poll taxes.
The first challenges to such state laws were overruled by Supreme Court decisions which upheld state constitutions that effectively disfranchised many. White Democratic-dominated legislatures proceeded with passing Jim Crow laws that instituted racial segregation in public places and accommodations, and passed other restrictive voting legislation. In Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court allowed racial segregation of public facilities, under the "separate but equal" doctrine.
Jim Crow laws reached their greatest influence during the decades from 1910 to 1930. Among them were hypodescent laws, defining as black anyone with any black ancestry, or with a very small portion of black ancestry.[3] Tennessee adopted such a "one-drop" statute in 1910, and Louisiana soon followed. Then Texas and Arkansas in 1911, Mississippi in 1917, North Carolina in 1923, Virginia in 1924, Alabama and Georgia in 1927, and Oklahoma in 1931. During this same period, Florida, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, and Utah retained their old "blood fraction" statutes de jure, but amended these fractions (one-sixteenth, one-thirty-second) to be equivalent to one-drop de facto.[15]
Before 1930, individuals of visible mixed European and African ancestry were usually classed as mulatto, or sometimes as black and sometimes as white, depending on appearance. Previously, most states had limited trying to define ancestry before "the fourth degree" (great-great-grandparents). But, in 1930, due to lobbying by southern legislators, the Census Bureau stopped using the classification of mulatto. Documentation of the long social recognition of mixed-race people was lost.
The binary world of the one-drop rule disregarded the self-identification both of people of mostly European ancestry who grew up in white communities, and of people who were of mixed race and identified as American Indian. In addition, Walter Plecker, Registrar of Statistics, ordered application of the 1924 Virginia law in such a way that vital records were changed or destroyed, family members were split on opposite sides of the color line, and there were losses of the documented continuity of people who identified as American Indian, as all people in Virginia had to be classified as white or black. Over the centuries, many Indian tribes in Virginia had absorbed people of other ethnicities through marriage or adoption, but maintained their cultures. Suspecting blacks of trying to "pass" as Indians, Plecker ordered records changed to classify people only as black or white, and ordered offices to reclassify certain family surnames from Indian to black.
Since the late 20th century, Virginia has officially recognized eight American Indian tribes and their members; the tribes are trying to gain federal recognition. They have had difficulty because decades of birth, marriage, and death records were misclassified under Plecker's application of the law. No one was classified as Indian, although many individuals and families identified that way and were preserving their cultures.
In the case of mixed-race American Indian and European descendants, the one-drop rule in Virginia was extended only so far as those with more than one-sixteenth Indian blood. This was due to what was known as "the Pocahontas exception". Since many influential First Families of Virginia (FFV) claimed descent from the American Indian Pocahontas and her husband John Rolfe of the colonial era, the Virginia General Assembly declared that an individual could be considered white if having no more than one-sixteenth Indian "blood" (the equivalent of one great-great-grandparent).
The eugenicist Madison Grant of New York wrote in his book, The Passing of the Great Race (1916): "The cross between a white man and an Indian is an Indian; the cross between a white man and a Negro is a Negro; the cross between a white man and a Hindu is a Hindu; and the cross between any of the three European races and a Jew is a Jew."[16] As noted above, Native American tribes such as the Omaha, which had patrilineal descent and inheritance, used hypodescent to classify the children of white men and Native American women as white.
Plecker case[edit]
Main article: Walter Plecker
Through the 1940s, Walter Plecker of Virginia[17] and Naomi Drake of Louisiana[18] had an outsized influence. As the Registrar of Statistics, Plecker insisted on labeling mixed-race families of European-African ancestry as black. In 1924, Plecker wrote, "Two races as materially divergent as the White and Negro, in morals, mental powers, and cultural fitness, cannot live in close contact without injury to the higher." In the 1930s and 1940s, Plecker directed offices under his authority to change vital records and reclassify certain families as black (or colored) (without notifying them) after Virginia established a binary system under its Racial Integrity Act of 1924. He also classified people as black who had formerly self-identified as Indian. When the United States Supreme Court struck down Virginia's law prohibiting inter-racial marriage in Loving v. Virginia (1967), it also declared Plecker's Virginia Racial Integrity Act and the one-drop rule unconstitutional.
Many people in the U.S., among various ethnic groups, continue to have their own concepts related to the one-drop idea. They may still consider those multiracial individuals with any African ancestry to be black, or at least non-white (if the person has other minority ancestry), unless the person explicitly identifies as white. On the other hand, the Black Power Movement and some leaders within the black community also claimed as black those persons with any visible African ancestry, in order to extend their political base and regardless of how those people self-identified. In the late 20th and early 21st century, writers such as A.D. Powell, who is multiracial, consider such "claiming" to be another kind of one-drop rule, which ignores people's life experiences, their community, and how they choose to identify themselves.[19] The number of self-identified multi-racial people in the US is increasing.
Other countries of the Americas[edit]
Main article: Race and ethnicity in Latin America
Rice and Powell (on the left) are considered black in the US, Bush and Rumsfeld (on the right) are considered white.
Among the colonial slave societies, the United States was nearly unique in developing the one-drop rule; it derived both from the Southern slave culture (shared by other societies) and the aftermath of the American Civil War, emancipation of slaves, and Reconstruction. In the late 19th century, Southern whites regained political power and restored white supremacy, passing Jim Crow laws and establishing racial segregation by law. In the 20th century, during the Black Power Movement, black race-based groups claimed all people of any African ancestry as black in a reverse way, to establish political power.
In colonial Spanish America, many soldiers and explorers took indigenous women as wives. Native-born Spanish women were always a minority. The colonists developed an elaborate classification and caste system that identified the mixed-race descendants of blacks, Amerindians, and whites by different names, related to appearance and known ancestry. Racial caste not only depended on ancestry or skin color, but also could be raised or lowered by the person's financial status or class.
Lena Horne
The same racial culture shock has come to hundreds of thousands of dark-skinned immigrants to the United States from Brazil, Colombia, Panama, and other Latin American nations. Although many are not considered black in their homelands, they have often been considered black in US society. According to the Washington Post, their refusal to accept the United States' definition of black has left many feeling attacked from all directions. At times, white and black Americans might discriminate against them for their lighter or darker skin tones; African Americans might believe that Afro-Latino immigrants are denying their blackness. At the same time, the immigrants think lighter-skinned Latinos dominate Spanish-language television and media. A majority of Latin Americans possess some African or American Indian ancestry. Many of these immigrants feel it is difficult enough to accept a new language and culture without the additional burden of having to transform from white to black. Yvette Modestin, a dark-skinned native of Panama who worked in Boston, said the situation was overwhelming: "There's not a day that I don't have to explain myself."[20]
Professor J.B. Bird has said that Latin America is not alone in rejecting the historical US notion that any visible African ancestry is enough to make one black:
In most countries of the Caribbean, Colin Powell would be described as a Creole, reflecting his mixed heritage. In Belize, he might further be described as a "High Creole", because of his extremely light complexion.[21]
These examples show that the perception of race is relative to different societies and individuals.
Brazil[edit]
See also: Race in Brazil
People in many other countries have tended to treat race less rigidly, both in their self-identification and how they regard others. Just as a person with physically recognizable African ancestry can claim to be black in the United States, someone with recognizable Caucasian ancestry may be considered white in Brazil, even if mixed race.
In December 2002, the Washington Post ran a story on the one-drop theory and differences in Latin American practices. In the reporter's opinion:
Someone with Sidney Poitier's deep chocolate complexion would be considered white if his hair were straight and he made a living in a profession. That might not seem so odd, Brazilians say, when you consider that the fair-complexioned actresses Rashida Jones ('Parks and Recreation' and 'The Office') and Lena Horne are identified as black in the United States.[20]
According to Jose Neinstein, a native white Brazilian and executive director of the Brazilian-American Cultural Institute in Washington, in the United States, "If you are not quite white, then you are black." However, in Brazil, "If you are not quite black, then you are white." Neinstein recalls talking with a man of Poitier's complexion when in Brazil: "We were discussing ethnicity, and I asked him, 'What do you think about this from your perspective as a black man?' He turned his head to me and said, 'I'm not black,' ... It simply paralyzed me. I couldn't ask another question."[20]
Puerto Rico[edit]
During the Spanish colonial period, Puerto Rico had laws such as the Regla del Sacar or Gracias al Sacar, by which a person of black ancestry could be considered legally white so long as the individual could prove that at least one person per generation in the last four generations had also been legally white. Thus persons of black ancestry with known white lineage were classified as white, the opposite of the "one-drop rule" in the United States.[22]
Racial mixtures of blacks and whites in modern America[edit]
Given the intense interest in ethnicity, genetic genealogists and other scientists have studied population groups. Henry Louis Gates, Jr. publicized such genetic studies on his two series African American Lives, shown on PBS, in which the ancestry of prominent figures was explored. His experts discussed the results of autosomal DNA tests, in contrast to direct-line testing, which survey all the DNA that has been inherited from the parents of an individual.[23] Autosomal tests focus on SNPs.[23][23]
The specialists on Gates' program summarized the make-up of the United States population by the following:
58 percent of African Americans have at least 12.5% European ancestry (equivalent of one great-grandparent);
19.6 percent of African Americans have at least 25% European ancestry (equivalent of one grandparent);
1 percent of African Americans have at least 50% European ancestry (equivalent of one parent) (Gates is one of these, he discovered, having a total of 51% European ancestry among various distant ancestors); and
5 percent of African Americans have at least 12.5% Native American ancestry (equivalent to one great-grandparent).[24]
In 2002, Mark D. Shriver, a molecular anthropologist at Penn State University, published results of a study regarding the racial admixture of Americans who identified as white or black:[25] Shriver surveyed a 3,000-person sample from 25 locations in the United States and tested subjects for autosomal genetic make-up:
Of those persons who identified as white:
Individuals had an average 0.7% black ancestry, which is the equivalent of having 1 black and 127 white ancestors among one's 128 5×great-grandparents
Shriver estimates that 70% of white Americans have no African ancestors (in part because a high proportion of current whites are descended from more recent immigrants from Europe of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, rather than those early migrants to the colonies, who in some areas lived and worked closely with Africans, free, indentured or slave, and formed relations with them).
Among the 30% of identified whites who have African ancestry, Shriver estimates their black racial admixture is 2.3%; the equivalent of having had 3 black ancestors among their 128 5×great-grandparents.[25]
Among those who identified as black:
The average proportion of white ancestry was 18%, the equivalent of having 22 white ancestors among their 128 5×great-grandparents.
About 10% have more than 50% white ancestry.
Blacks in the United States are more racially mixed than whites, reflecting historical experience here, including the close living and working conditions among the small populations of the early colonies, when indentured servants, both black and white, and slaves, married or formed unions. Mixed-race children of white mothers were born free, and many families of free people of color were started in those years. 80 percent of the free African-American families in the Upper South in the censuses of 1790 to 1810 can be traced as descendants of unions between white women and African men in colonial Virginia, not of slave women and white men. In the early colony, conditions were loose among the working class, who lived and worked closely together. After the American Revolutionary War, their free mixed-race descendants migrated to the frontiers of nearby states along with other primarily European Virginia pioneers.[26] The admixture also reflects later conditions under slavery, when white planters or their sons, or overseers, frequently raped African women.[27] There were also freely chosen relationships among individuals of different or mixed races.
Shriver's 2002 survey found different current admixture rates by region, reflecting historic patterns of settlement and change, both in terms of populations who migrated and their descendants' unions. For example, he found that the black populations with the highest percentage of white ancestry lived in California and Seattle, Washington. These were both majority-white destinations during the Great Migration of 1940–1970 of African Americans from the Deep South of Louisiana, Texas and Mississippi. Blacks sampled in those two locations had more than 25% white European ancestry on average.[25]
As noted by Troy Duster, direct-line testing of the Y-chromosome and mtDNA (mitochondrial DNA) fails to pick up the heritage of many other ancestors.[28] DNA testing has limitations and should not be depended on by individuals to answer all questions about heritage.[28] Duster said that neither Shriver's research nor Gates' PBS program adequately acknowledged the limitations of genetic testing.[28][29]
Similarly, the Indigenous Peoples Council on Biocolonialism (IPCB) notes that: "Native American markers" are not found solely among Native Americans. While they occur more frequently among Native Americans, they are also found in people in other parts of the world.[30] Genetic testing has shown three major waves of ancient migration from Asia among Native Americans but cannot distinguish further among most of the various tribes in the Americas. Some critics of testing believe that more markers will be identified as more Native Americans of various tribes are tested, as they believe that the early epidemics due to smallpox and other diseases may have altered genetic representation.[28][29]
Much effort has been made to discover the ways in which the one-drop rule continues to be socially perpetuated today. For example, in her interview of black/white adults in the South, Nikki Khanna uncovers that one way the one-drop rule is perpetuated is through the mechanism of reflected appraisal. Most respondents identified as black, explaining that this is because both black and white people see them as black as well.[31]
Allusions[edit]
Charles W. Chesnutt, who was of mixed race and grew up in the North, wrote stories and novels about the issues of mixed-race people in southern society in the aftermath of the Civil War.
The one-drop rule and its consequences have been the subject of numerous works of popular culture. The American musical Show Boat (1927) opens in 1887 on a Mississippi River boat, after the Reconstruction era and imposition of racial segregation and Jim Crow in the South. Steve, a white man married to a mixed-race woman who passes as white, is pursued by a Southern sheriff. He intends to arrest Steve and charge him with miscegenation for being married to a woman of partly black ancestry. Steve pricks his wife's finger and swallows some of her blood. When the sheriff arrives, Steve asks him whether he would consider a man to be white if he had "negro blood" in him. The sheriff replies that "one drop of Negro blood makes you a Negro in these parts". Steve tells the sheriff that he has "more than a drop of negro blood in me". After being assured by others that Steve is telling the truth, the sheriff leaves without arresting Steve.[32][33]
See also[edit]
Black Indians
Blood quantum laws
Cherokee Freedmen
Hispanic and Latino Americans
Limpieza de sangre
List of topics related to Black and African people
Métis
Mestizo
Mischling
Mixed Race Day
Brown Paper Bag Test
Pencil test
Quadroon
Racial hygiene
References[edit]
Notes
Jump up ^ In 1855, John Bigelk, nephew of Big Elk, described a Sioux attack in which the mixed-race man Logan Fontenelle, son of an Omaha woman and a French trader, was killed: "They killed the white man, the interpreter, who was with us." As the historian Melvin Randolph Gilmore noted, Bigelk called Fontenelle "a white man because he had a white father. This was a common designation of half-breeds by full-bloods, just as a mulatto might commonly be called a [black] by white people, although as much white as black by race."[8]
Quotes
Jump up ^ "Ten years later [referring to its 2000 report], TJF [Thomas Jefferson Foundation] and most historians now believe that, years after his wife's death, Thomas Jefferson was the father of the six children of Sally Hemings mentioned in Jefferson's records, including Beverly, Harriet, Madison and Eston Hemings."[6]
Jump up ^ "To be defined as 'mulatto' under Virginia law in 1822, a person had to have at least one-quarter African ancestry." (This is the equivalent to one grandparent.)[5]:68
Citations
Jump up ^ Davis, F. James. Frontline."Who's black. One nation's definition". Accessed 27 February 2015.
Jump up ^ Dworkin, Shari L. The Society Pages. "Race, Sexuality, and the 'One Drop Rule': More Thoughts about Interracial Couples and Marriage". Accessed 27 February 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b Conrad P. Kottak, "What is hypodescent?" Archived 14 August 2010 at the Wayback Machine., Human Diversity and "Race", Cultural Anthropology, Online Learning, McGraw Hill, accessed 21 April 2010.
Jump up ^ "Mixed Race America – Who Is Black? One Nation's Definition". www.pbs.org. Frontline. Not only does the one-drop rule apply to no other group than American blacks, but apparently the rule is unique in that it is found only in the United States and not in any other nation in the world.
^ Jump up to: a b c Joshua D. Rothman, Notorious in the Neighborhood: Sex and Families Across the Color Line in Virginia, 1787–1861 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina, 2003), p. 68.
^ Jump up to: a b c "Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings: A Brief Account", Monticello Website, accessed 22 June 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b "All Niggers, More or Less!", The News and Courier, October 17, 1895.
Jump up ^ Melvin Randolph Gilmore, "The True Logan Fontenelle", Publications of the Nebraska State Historical Society, Vol. 19, edited by Albert Watkins, Nebraska State Historical Society, 1919, pp. 64–65, at GenNet, accessed 25 August 2011.
Jump up ^ Langston Hughes, The Big Sea, an Autobiography (New York: Knopf, 1940).
Jump up ^ "Mixed Race America – Who Is Black? One Nation's Definition – Jefferson's Blood – FRONTLINE – PBS".
Jump up ^ "'One-drop rule' persists".
Jump up ^ Paul Heinegg, Free African Americans in Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Maryland and Delaware, 1999–2005.
Jump up ^ Joel Williamson, New People: Miscegenation and Mulattoes in the United States (New York, 1980), p. 93.
Jump up ^ Laws of the State of Florida, First Session of the Fourteenth General Assembly Under the Amended Constitution 1865–'6. Chapter 1, 468 Sec.(1)-(3).
Jump up ^ Pauli Murray, ed. States' Laws on Race and Color (Athens, 1997), 428, 173, 443, 37, 237, 330, 463, 22, 39, 358, 77, 150, 164, 207, 254, 263, 459.
Jump up ^ Madison Grant, The Passing of the Great Race, 1916.
Jump up ^ For the Plecker story, see Smith, J. Douglas (2002). "The Campaign for Racial Purity and the Erosion of Paternalism in Virginia, 1922–1930: 'Nominally White, Biologically Mixed, and Legally Negro'". Journal of Southern History. 68 (1): 65–106. doi:10.2307/3069691.
Jump up ^ For Drake, see Dominguez, Virginia R. (1986). White by Definition: Social Classification in Creole Louisiana. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. ISBN 0-8135-1109-7.
Jump up ^ A.D. Powell, Passing for Who You Really Are, Palm Coast, 2005, ISBN 0-939479-22-2.
^ Jump up to: a b c "People of Color Who Never Felt They Were Black" The Washington Post.
Jump up ^ FAQ on the Black Seminoles, John Horse, and Rebellion.
Jump up ^ Jay Kinsbruner, Not of Pure Blood, Duke University Press, 1996.
^ Jump up to: a b c John Hawks (2008). "How African Are You? What genealogical testing can't tell you". Washington Post. Retrieved 2010-06-26.
Jump up ^ Henry Louis Gates, Jr., In Search of Our Roots: How 19 Extraordinary African Americans Reclaimed Their Past (New York: Crown Publishing, 2009), pp. 20–21.
^ Jump up to: a b c Sailer, Steve (8 May 2002). "Analysis: White prof finds he's not". United Press International. Retrieved 12 March 2016.
Jump up ^ Paul Heinegg, Free African Americans in Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Maryland and Delaware, 1999–2005.
Jump up ^ Moon, Dannell, "Slavery", in Encyclopedia of Rape, Merril D. Smith (Ed.), Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004, p 234
^ Jump up to: a b c d Troy Duster (2008). "Deep Roots and Tangled Branches". Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved 2008-10-02.
^ Jump up to: a b ScienceDaily (2008). "Genetic Ancestral Testing Cannot Deliver On Its Promise, Study Warns". ScienceDaily. Retrieved 2008-10-02.
Jump up ^ Kim TallBear, Phd., Associate, Red Nation Consulting (2008). "Can DNA Determine Who is American Indian?". The WEYANOKE Association. Retrieved 2009-10-27. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ Khanna, Nikki (2010). "If you're half black, you're just black: Reflected Appraisals and the Persistence of the One-Drop Rule". The Sociological Quarterly. 51 (5). doi:10.1111/j.1533-8525.2009.01162.x.
Jump up ^ Show Boat (1951) Overview, Turner Classic Movies. Retrieved 2008-03-21.
Jump up ^ Make Believe – Show Boat – Synopsis, from the 1993 Canadian cast recording Archived 7 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine., Theatre-Musical.com. Retrieved 2008-03-21.
Further reading[edit]
Daniel, G. Reginald. More Than Black? Multiracial Identity and the New Racial Order. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 2002. ISBN 1-56639-909-2.
Daniel, G. Reginald. Race and Multiraciality in Brazil and the United States: Converging Paths?. University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press. 2006. ISBN 0-271-02883-1.
Davis, James F., Who Is Black?: One Nation's Definition. University Park PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001. ISBN 0-271-02172-1.
Guterl, Matthew Press, The Color of Race in America, 1900–1940. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2004. ISBN 0-674-01012-4.
Moran, Rachel F., Interracial Intimacy: The Regulation of Race & Romance, Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 2003. ISBN 0-226-53663-7.
Romano, Renee Christine, Race Mixing: Black-White Marriage in Post-War America. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2003. ISBN 0-674-01033-7.
Savy, Pierre, « Transmission, identité, corruption. Réflexions sur trois cas d'hypodescendance », L'homme. Revue française d'anthropologie, 182, 2007 (« Racisme, antiracisme et sociétés »), pp. 53–80.
Yancey, George, Just Don't Marry One: Interracial Dating, Marriage & Parenting. Judson Press, 2003. ISBN 0-8170-1439-X.
External links[edit]
New Life for the "One Drop" Rule
PBS – Multiracial America – Who is black? One nation's definition
PBS – Brazil in Black and White
"Battles in Red, Black, and White: Virginia's Racial Integrity Law of 1924", University of Virginia
Lawrence Wright, "One Drop of Blood", The New Yorker, 24 July 1994
John Terrence A. Rosenthal, "Batson Revisited in America's 'New Era' of Multiracial Persons", Law Review 33:1, Seton Hall University
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