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Texas Legislature
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Texas State Legislature
Type
Houses
Senate
House of Representatives
Leadership
President of the Senate
Dan Patrick (R)
Since January 20, 2015
Speaker of the House
Joe Straus (R)
Since January 13, 2009
Structure
Seats
181 voting members:
31 Senators
150 Representatives
Senate political groups
Republican (20)
Democratic (11)
House political groups
Republican (95)
Democratic (55)
Elections
Senate last election
November 8, 2016
Meeting place
Texas State Capitol, Austin
Website
http://www.capitol.state.tx.us
The Legislature of the state of Texas is the state legislature of Texas. The legislature is a bicameral body composed of a 31-member Senate and a 150-member House of Representatives. The state legislature meets at the Capitol in Austin. It is a powerful arm of the Texas government not only because of its power of the purse to control and direct the activities of state government and the strong constitutional connections between it and the Lieutenant Governor of Texas, but also due to Texas's plural executive.
The Legislature is the constitutional successor of the Congress of the Republic of Texas since Texas's 1845 entrance into the Union. The Legislature held its first regular session from February 16 to May 13, 1846.
Contents
[hide]
1 Structure and operations
2 Qualification for service
3 Salary of legislative officials
4 Makeup of the Texas Senate
5 Makeup of the Texas House of Representatives
6 Support agencies
7 Scandals
8 See also
9 References
10 Further reading
11 External links
Structure and operations[edit]
The Texas Legislature meets in regular session on the second Tuesday in January of each odd-numbered year.[1] The Texas Constitution limits the regular session to 140 calendar days. The lieutenant governor, elected statewide separately from the governor, presides over the Senate, while the Speaker of the House is elected from that body by its members. Both have wide latitude in choosing committee membership in their respective houses and have a large impact on lawmaking in the state.
Only the governor may call the Legislature into special sessions, unlike other states where the legislature may call itself into session. The governor may call as many sessions as he or she desires. For example, Governor Rick Perry called three consecutive sessions to address the 2003 Texas congressional redistricting. The Texas Constitution limits the duration of each special session to 30 days; lawmakers may consider only those issues designated by the governor in his "call," or proclamation convening the special session (though other issues may be added by the Governor during a session).
Any bill passed by the Legislature takes effect 90 days after its passage unless two-thirds of each house votes to give the bill either immediate effect or earlier effect. The Legislature may provide for an effective date that is after the 90th day. Under current legislative practice, most bills are given an effective date of September 1 in odd-numbered years (September 1 is the start of the state's fiscal year).
Although members are elected on partisan ballots, both houses of the Legislature are officially organized on a nonpartisan basis, with members of both parties serving in leadership positions such as committee chairmanships.[citation needed] As of 2017, a majority of the members of each chamber are members of the Republican Party.
Qualification for service[edit]
The Texas Constitution sets the qualifications for election to each house as follows:[2]
A senator must be at least 26 years of age, a citizen of Texas five years prior to election and a resident of the district from which elected one year prior to election. Each senator serves a four-year term and one-half of the Senate membership is elected every two years in even-numbered years, with the exception that all the Senate seats are up for election for the first legislature following the decennial census in order to reflect the newly redrawn districts. After the initial election, the Senate is divided by lot into two classes, with one class having a re-election after two years and the other having a re-election after four years.
A representative must be at least 21 years of age, a citizen of Texas for two years prior to election and a resident of the district from which elected one year prielection. They are elected for two-year terms, running for re-election in even-numbered years.[3]
Salary of legislative officials[edit]
State legislators in Texas make $600 per month, or $7,200 per year, plus a per diem of $190 for every day the Legislature is in session (also including any special sessions). That adds up to $33,800 a year for a regular session (140 days), with the total pay for a two-year term being $41,000.[4][5] Legislators receive a pension after eight years of service, starting at age 60.[6]
Makeup of the Texas Senate[edit]
Seal of the Texas State Senate.
Main article: Texas Senate
Affiliation Members
Republican Party 20
Democratic Party 11
Total
31
Makeup of the Texas House of Representatives[edit]
Seal of the Texas House of Representatives.
Main article: Texas House of Representatives
Affiliation Members
Republican Party 95
Democratic Party 55
Vacant 0
Total
150
Support agencies[edit]
The Texas Legislature has five support agencies that are within the legislative branch of state government.
Those five agencies are as follows:
Texas Legislative Budget Board;
Texas Legislative Council;
Texas Legislative Reference Library;
Texas State Auditor; and
Texas Sunset Advisory Commission
Scandals[edit]
On May 14, 2007, CBS Austin affiliate KEYE reported on the rampant multiple voting by members of the Texas House of Representatives during a voting session.[7] The report noted how representatives would race to the nearest empty seats to register votes for absent members on the legislature's automated voting machines. Each representative would vote for the nearest absent members, apparently regardless of party affiliation. This practice was in direct violation of a Rule of the Texas Legislature; however, no house member had ever been disciplined for the practice. The then-Speaker of the House Tom Craddick, responsible for enforcement of the rule, issued a statement that discipline for violations of the rule is left to the individual house members.[7] Subsequent similar violations under House Speaker Joe Straus have been unenforced.[8]
See also[edit]
Texas portal
Sunset Advisory Commission
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Texas Government Code 301.001
Jump up ^ "Qualifications for Office". Sos.state.tx.us. Retrieved 2016-02-25.
Jump up ^ Texas House of Representatives – Frequently Asked Questions
Jump up ^ "THE TEXAS CONSTITUTION ARTICLE 3. LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT". Statutes.legis.state.tx.us. Retrieved 2016-02-25.
Jump up ^ "Chapter 50, Ethics Commission Rules". Ethics.state.tx.us. Retrieved 2016-02-25.
Jump up ^ "Legislators With Benefits, Even When They Stray". New York Times. 2012-04-12. Retrieved 2017-08-10.
^ Jump up to: a b CBS Channel 42 KeyeTV Investigates: One Lawmaker, Many Votes?, May 14, 2007, available at "https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eG6X-xtVask"; see also Wilson, Nanci, One Lawmaker, Many Votes?, May 14, 2007, available at "www.keyetv.com/topstories/local_story_134224129.html"[permanent dead link]
Jump up ^ Hoppe, Christy (2011-03-24). "Some Texas lawmakers cast votes for fellow members on bill Meant to Protect Elections". Dallas Morning News. Retrieved 11 August 2017.
Further reading[edit]
"Citizen Handbook". The Senate of Texas. Retrieved 13 September 2009.
Texas Legislature from the Handbook of Texas Online. Retrieved 13 April 2005.
Stanley K. Young, Texas Legislative Handbook (1973).
Univ. of Tex., The Legislative Branch in Texas Politics, [1] (last accessed Oct. 8, 2006) (stating that "The Texas Legislature is the most powerful of the three main branches of government[,]" primarily because it is "less weak than the other branches").
See also: Texas Government Newsletter
External links[edit]
Texas Legislature Online
Texas House of Representatives
Texas Senate
Reference Library of Texas[permanent dead link]
Open Government Texas from the Sunlight Foundation
Texas at Project Vote Smart
Texas Politics – The Legislative Branch
Texas Government Newsletter and Voter's Guide to the Texas Legislature
Billhop – Texas Legislative Wiki
[show]
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See: List of counties in Texas
[show]
v
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Members of the Texas Senate
85th Texas Legislature (2017)
President of the Senate: Dan Patrick (R)
President Pro Tempore: Kel Seliger
Bryan Hughes (R)
Bob Hall (R)
Robert Nichols (R)
Brandon Creighton (R)
Charles Schwertner (R)
Sylvia Garcia (D)
Paul Bettencourt (R)
Van Taylor (R)
Kelly Hancock (R)
Konni Burton (R)
Larry Taylor (R)
Jane Nelson (R)
Borris Miles (D)
Kirk Watson (D)
John Whitmire (D)
Don Huffines (R)
Joan Huffman (R)
Lois Kolkhorst (R)
Carlos Uresti (D)
Juan Hinojosa (D)
Judith Zaffirini (D)
Brian Birdwell (R)
Royce West (D)
Dawn Buckingham (R)
Donna Campbell (R)
Jose Menendez (D)
Eddie Lucio Jr. (D)
Charles Perry (R)
José R. Rodríguez (D)
Craig Estes (R)
Kel Seliger (R)
Republican (20)
Democratic (11)
Texas Legislature
Texas House of Representatives
Texas State Senate
[show]
v
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Members of the Texas House of Representatives
85th Texas Legislature (2017)
Speaker of the House: Joe Straus (R)
Speaker Pro Tempore: Dennis Bonnen (R)
Gary VanDeaver (R)
Dan Flynn (R)
Cecil Bell Jr. (R)
Lance Gooden (R)
Cole Hefner (R)
Matt Schaefer (R)
Jay Dean (R)
Byron Cook (R)
Chris Paddie (R)
John Wray (R)
Travis Clardy (R)
Kyle Kacal (R)
Vacant
John N. Raney (R)
Mark Keough (R)
Will Metcalf (R)
John Cyrier (R)
Ernest Bailes (R)
James White (R)
Terry Wilson (R)
Dade Phelan (R)
Joe Deshotel (D)
Wayne Faircloth (R)
Greg Bonnen (R)
Dennis Bonnen (R)
Rick Miller (R)
Ron Reynolds (D)
John M. Zerwas (R)
Ed Thompson (R)
Geanie Morrison (R)
Ryan Guillen (D)
Todd Ames Hunter (R)
Justin Holland (R)
Abel Herrero (D)
Oscar Longoria (D)
Sergio Muñoz Jr. (D)
Rene Oliveira (D)
Eddie Lucio III (D)
Armando Martinez (D)
Terry Canales (D)
Robert Guerra (D)
Richard Raymond (D)
J. M. Lozano (R)
John Kuempel (R)
Jason Isaac (R)
Dawnna Dukes (D)
Paul D. Workman (R)
Donna Howard (D)
Gina Hinojosa (D)
Celia Israel (D)
Eddie Rodriguez (D)
Larry Gonzales (R)
Andrew Murr (R)
Scott Cosper (R)
Hugh Shine (R)
Charles Anderson (R)
Trent Ashby (R)
DeWayne Burns (R)
J. D. Sheffield (R)
Mike Lang (R)
Phil King (R)
Larry Phillips (R)
Tan Parker (R)
Lynn Stucky (R)
Ron Simmons (R)
Matt Shaheen (R)
Jeff Leach (R)
Drew Springer Jr. (R)
James Frank (R)
Scott Sanford (R)
Stan Lambert (R)
Drew Darby (R)
Kyle Biedermann (R)
Poncho Nevárez (D)
Mary González (D)
Cesar Blanco (D)
Evelina Ortega (D)
Joe Moody (D)
Joe Pickett (D)
Tracy King (D)
Brooks Landgraf (R)
Tom Craddick (R)
Dustin Burrows (R)
John Frullo (R)
Phil Stephenson (R)
John T. Smithee (R)
Four Price (R)
Ken King (R)
Jodie Anne Laubenberg (R)
Ramon Romero Jr. (D)
Stephanie Klick (R)
Jonathan Stickland (R)
Matt Krause (R)
Tony Tinderholt (R)
Nicole Collier (D)
Bill Zedler (R)
Craig Goldman (R)
Giovanni Capriglione (R)
Charlie Geren (R)
Eric Johnson (D)
Chris Turner (D)
Linda Koop (R)
Rafael Anchia (D)
Roberto Alonzo (D)
Rodney Anderson (R)
Pat Fallon (R)
Victoria Neave (D)
Morgan Meyer (R)
Helen Giddings (D)
Toni Rose (D)
Yvonne Davis (D)
Angie Chen Button (R)
Cindy Burkett (R)
Jason Villalba (R)
Matt Rinaldi (R)
Diana Arevalo (D)
Philip Cortez (D)
Tomas Uresti (D)
Roland Gutierrez (D)
Barbara Gervin-Hawkins (D)
Joe Straus (R)
Lyle Larson (R)
Diego Bernal (D)
Ina Minjarez (D)
Justin Rodriguez (D)
Kevin Roberts (R)
Dan Huberty (R)
Briscoe Cain (R)
Dennis Paul (R)
Tom Oliverson (R)
Alma Allen (D)
Mike Schofield (R)
Jim Murphy (R)
Sarah Davis (R)
Gary Elkins (R)
Tony Dale (R)
Gene Wu (D)
Dwayne Bohac (R)
Jarvis Johnson (D)
Armando Walle (D)
Senfronia Thompson (D)
Harold Dutton Jr. (D)
Ana Hernandez (D)
Mary Ann Perez (D)
Carol Alvarado (D)
Shawn Thierry (D)
Garnet Coleman (D)
Jessica Farrar (D)
Hubert Vo (D)
Valoree Swanson (R)
Republican (95)
Democratic (55)
Texas Legislature
Texas House of Representatives
Texas State Senate
[show]
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Texas State Legislatures by year convened
1 (1846)
2 (1847)
3 (1849)
4 (1851)
5 (1853)
6 (1855)
7 (1857)
8 (1859)
9 (1861)
10 (1863)
11 (1866)
12 (1870)
13 (1873)
14 (1874)
15 (1876)
16 (1879)
17 (1881)
18 (1883)
19 (1885)
20 (1887)
21 (1889)
22 (1891)
23 (1893)
24 (1895)
25 (1897)
26 (1899)
27 (1901)
28 (1903)
29 (1905)
30 (1907)
31 (1909)
32 (1911)
33 (1913)
34 (1915)
35 (1917)
36 (1919)
37 (1921)
38 (1923)
39 (1925)
40 (1927)
41 (1929)
42 (1931)
43 (1933)
44 (1935)
45 (1937)
46 (1939)
47 (1941)
48 (1943)
49 (1945)
50 (1947)
51 (1949)
52 (1951)
53 (1953)
54 (1955)
55 (1957)
56 (1959)
57 (1961)
58 (1963)
59 (1965)
60 (1967)
61 (1969)
62 (1971)
63 (1973)
64 (1975)
65 (1977)
66 (1979)
67 (1981)
68 (1983)
69 (1985)
70 (1987)
71 (1989)
72 (1991)
73 (1993)
74 (1995)
75 (1997)
76 (1999)
77 (2001)
78 (2003)
79 (2005)
80 (2007)
81 (2009)
82 (2011)
83 (2013)
84 (2015)
85 (2017)
[show]
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Legislatures of the United States
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List of current U.S. state legislators
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text:
The Source (retailer)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The Source (Bell) Electronics Inc.
Trading name
The Source
Formerly called
RadioShack Canada
(1986–2004)
The Source by Circuit City (2004–2009)
Type
Subsidiary
Industry
Retail
Founded
June 1986; 31 years ago (1986-06) (as InterTAN Canada)
Headquarters
Barrie, Ontario, Canada
Products
Electronics
Parent
InterTAN (1986–2004)
Circuit City (2004–2009)
BCE Inc. (2009–present)
Website
thesource.ca
The Source (Bell) Electronics Inc., doing business as The Source (French: La Source), is a Canadian consumer electronics and cell phone retail chain. The chain goes back over 40 years in Canada, initially as Radio Shack and later as The Source by Circuit City. The Source is now owned by BCE Inc., which purchased the assets of InterTAN from its parent, American retailer Circuit City, in 2009. The Source is a unit of 4458729 Canada Inc. and is based in Barrie, Ontario.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Products
3 References
4 External links
Background[edit]
Store in Promenade.
The Source began as the Canadian branch of Radio Shack (later "RadioShack"). The chain was originally owned by Radio Shack's American parent company Tandy Corporation, but was spun off in June 1986, along with the rest of Tandy's international operations, as InterTAN. A licensing agreement with what became RadioShack Corporation allowed InterTAN to continue to use the chain's name and logo. InterTAN abandoned its non-profitable West German stores in 1987, left Belgium and France in 1993, sold its British stores to Carphone Warehouse in 1999 and sold its Australian stores to Woolworth subsidiary Dick Smith Electronics in 2002, leaving just the Canadian Radio Shack, Battery Plus and Rogers Plus stores.
In May 2004, InterTAN was acquired by Circuit City. One week after the acquisition was completed, RadioShack Corporation filed a lawsuit in the 352nd Judicial District Court in Tarrant County, Texas to end the licensing agreement. RadioShack Corporation claimed that InterTAN had breached the terms of their agreement. On March 24, 2005, the district court judge ruled in favour of RadioShack and cancelled the agreement. The ruling prohibited InterTAN from using the brand name on its stores or in any of its products, packaging, and advertising after June 30, 2005.
On April 26, 2005, Circuit City announced that the stores would be renamed The Source by Circuit City (La Source par Circuit City in Quebec). The rebranding process was completed in the majority of the chain's Canadian stores by July 1, 2005. The chain also introduced new house brands, including Nexxtech and Centrios, in place of RadioShack store brands.
In February 2007, The Source announced it would close down 62 low volume stores across Canada. On March 30, 2007, Circuit City announced to its shareholders that it was seeking options including selling off the InterTAN/The Source subsidiary to cut losses. On November 10, 2008, InterTAN sought protection from its creditors, after Circuit City filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy.
Circuit City announced on January 16, 2009, that its namesake U.S. stores would be liquidated. The Source was not affected by the announcement, and a process followed to sell the Canadian operations as a going concern.[1]
On March 2, 2009, Canadian telecommunications firm Bell Canada announced it would acquire The Source and continue to operate it as an independent division. The acquisition was completed July 1 for the final purchase price of $135 million US, following which the chain removed the "by Circuit City" from its name. Prior to January 2010, the stores sold mobile phone services from Bell's main competitor, Rogers Wireless: at that point, the chain began to exclusively market Bell-owned wireless (including value brand Virgin Mobile), television, and internet services.[2]
The Source continues to sell a full array of consumer electronics products,.[3][4]
Products[edit]
The Source stocks a wide array of products. Most of the products are consumer electronics, including: cellular phones, computers, computer accessories, televisions, DVD players, Blu-ray players, home theatre systems, clock radios, traditional telephones, toys, SiriusXM satellite radio, console gaming equipment, cables (such as HDMI, DVI, RCA, Component, Composite, VGA, S-VIDEO, USB, SERIAL, etc.), Bell devices, Virgin Mobile devices, Bell TV, and MP3 players, as well as a large selection of headphones including the Monster and Skullcandy headphone line-up.
The Source also carries house brand products, under brands such as Fluid, InStudio, Headrush, Kapsule (Previously known as GnarlyFish), Nexxtech, and Xtreme Gaming.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Marina Strauss, "Circuit City's The Source to remain open", globeandmail.com, January 16, 2009
Jump up ^ "Rogers turns to courts in attempt to block Glentel sale to BCE". The Globe and Mail. 17 December 2014. Retrieved 18 December 2014.
Jump up ^ Simon Avery, "Bell Canada snaps up The Source", globeandmail.com, March 2, 2009
Jump up ^ "Bell to acquire national electronics retailer The Source", March 2, 2009
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to The Source (retailer).
The Source
RadioShack Catalogs (1939-2005)
[hide]
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Maple Leaf Sports & Entertainment (28%)2
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Place Bell
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2An additional 9.5% interest is held by the BCE Master Trust Fund (Bell's pension plan).
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Spain and the American Revolutionary War
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Spanish Prime Minister José Moñino y Redondo, conde de Floridablanca.
Spain's role in the independence of the United States was part of its dispute over colonial supremacy with the Kingdom of Great Britain. Spain declared war on Britain as an ally of France, and provided supplies and munitions to the American forces.
Beginning in 1776, it jointly funded Roderigue Hortalez and Company, a trading company that provided critical military supplies. Spain also provided financing for the final Siege of Yorktown in 1781 with a collection of gold and silver in Havana, Cuba.[1] Spain was allied with France through the Bourbon Family Compact and also viewed the Revolution as an opportunity to weaken its enemy Great Britain, which had caused Spain substantial losses during the Seven Years' War. As the newly appointed Prime Minister, José Moñino y Redondo, Count of Floridablanca, wrote in March 1777, "the fate of the colonies interests us very much, and we shall do for them everything that circumstances permit".[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Aid to the United States: 1776–1778
2 Declaration of war
3 European waters
4 West Indies and Gulf Coast
5 American Midwest
6 Siege of Yorktown
7 Antilles War
8 Peace of Paris
9 Contribution to victory
10 Aftermath
11 Notes
12 References
13 Dissertations
Aid to the United States: 1776–1778[edit]
Spanish aid was supplied to the new nation through four main routes: from French ports with the funding of Roderigue Hortalez and Company, through the port of New Orleans and up the Mississippi River, from the warehouses in Havana, and from Bilbao, through the Gardoqui family trading company.
Smuggling from New Orleans began in 1776, when General Charles Lee sent two Continental Army (the army of the United States) officers to request supplies from the New Orleans Governor, Luis de Unzaga. Unzaga, concerned about overtly antagonizing the British before the Spanish were prepared for war, agreed to assist the rebels covertly. Unzaga authorized the shipment of desperately needed gunpowder in a transaction brokered by Oliver Pollock, a Patriot (Revolutionary) and financier.[3] When Bernardo de Gálvez y Madrid, Count of Gálvez was appointed Governor of New Orleans in January 1777, he continued and expanded the supply operations.[4]
As the American diplomat Benjamin Franklin reported from Paris to the Congressional Committee of Secret Correspondence in March 1777, the Spanish court quietly granted the rebels direct admission to the rich, previously restricted port of Havana under most favored nation status. Franklin also noted in the same report that three thousand barrels of gunpowder were waiting in New Orleans, and that the merchants in Bilbao "had orders to ship for us such necessaries as we might want."[5]
Declaration of war[edit]
The Spanish-Portuguese War (1776-77) proved successful. In the First Treaty of San Ildefonso, signed on 1 October 1777, after Mary I of Portugal had dismissed Pombal, Spain won the Banda Oriental (Uruguay), with Colonia del Sacramento, founded by Portugal in 1680.[6] Spain also won the Misiones Orientales. In return, Spain acknowledged that Portuguese territories in Brazil extended far west of the line set in the Treaty of Tordesillas.[7] In the Treaty of El Pardo, signed 11 March 1778, Spain won Spanish Guinea[8] (Equatorial Guinea), which was administered from Buenos Aires in 1778-1810. With these treaties, Portugal had left the war, and in 1781 Portugal even joined the First League of Armed Neutrality to resist British seizures of cargo from neutral ships.[9]
The former Spanish Prime Minister and then-Ambassador to the French Court, Jerónimo Grimaldi, 1st Duke of Grimaldi, summarized the Spanish position in a letter to Arthur Lee, an American diplomat in Madrid who was trying to persuade the Spanish to declare an open alliance with the fledgling United States. Genoese by birth and a shrewdly calculating politician by nature, Grimaldi demurred, replying, "You have considered your own situation, and not ours. The moment is not yet come for us. The war with Portugal — France being unprepared, and our treasure ships from South America not being arrived — makes it improper for us to declare immediately."[10] Meanwhile, Grimaldi reassured Lee, stores of clothing and powder were deposited at New Orleans and Havana for the Americans, and further shipments of blankets were being collected at Bilbao.
By June 1779 the Spanish had finalized their preparations for war. The British cause seemed to be at a particularly low ebb. The Spanish joined France in the war, implementing the Treaty of Aranjuez signed in April 1779.
European waters[edit]
The main goals of Spain were the recovery of Gibraltar and Menorca from the British, who had owned them since 1704 and to damage British trade through the actions of privateers.[11] The siege of Gibraltar, June 16, 1779 to February 7, 1783, was the longest lasting Spanish action in the war. Despite the larger size of the besieging Franco-Spanish army, at one point numbering 33,000, the British under George Augustus Elliott were able to hold out in the fortress and were resupplied by sea three times. Luis de Córdova y Córdova was unable to prevent Howe's fleet returning home after resupplying Gibraltar in October 1782.[12] The combined Franco-Spanish invasion of Menorca in 1781 met with more success; Menorca surrendered the following year,[13] and was restored to Spain after the war, nearly eighty years after it was first captured by the British.[14] In 1780 and 1781, Luis de Córdova's fleet captured America-bound British convoys, doing much damage to British military supplies and commerce.
West Indies and Gulf Coast[edit]
Painting of Gálvez at the Siege of Pensacola by Augusto Ferrer-Dalmau
In the Caribbean, the main effort was directed to prevent possible British landings in Cuba, remembering the British expedition against Cuba that seized Havana in the Seven Years' War. Other goals included the reconquest of Florida (which the British had divided into West Florida and East Florida in 1763), and the resolution of logging disputes involving the British in Belize.
On the mainland, the governor of Spanish Louisiana, Count Bernardo de Gálvez, led a series of successful offensives against the British forts in the Mississippi Valley, first capturing Fort Bute at Manchac and then forcing the surrender of Baton Rouge, Natchez and Mobile in 1779 and 1780.[15] While a hurricane halted an expedition to capture Pensacola, the capital of British West Florida, in 1780, Gálvez's forces achieved a decisive victory against the British in 1781 at the Battle of Pensacola giving the Spanish control of all of West Florida. This secured the southern route for supplies and closed off the possibility of any British offensive into the western frontier of United States via the Mississippi River.
When Spain entered the war, Britain also went on the offensive in the Caribbean, planning an expedition against Spanish Nicaragua. A British attempt to gain a foothold at San Fernando de Omoa was rebuffed in October 1779, and an expedition in 1780 against Fort San Juan in Nicaragua was at first successful, but yellow fever and other tropical diseases wiped out most of the force, which then withdrew and returned to Jamaica.
American Midwest[edit]
Bernardo de Gálvez, Count of Gálvez
At the end of the Seven Years' War, France gave the Mississippi Valley to her ally Spain, in order to prevent it from coming under British control at the Treaty of Paris (1763).[16] The Spanish assisted the United States in their campaigns in the American Midwest. In January 1778, Virginia Governor Patrick Henry authorized an expedition by George Rogers Clark, who captured the fort at Vincennes and secured the northern region of the Ohio for the rebels. Clark relied on Gálvez and Oliver Pollock for support to supply his men with weapons and ammunition, and to provide credit for provisions. The credit lines that Pollock established to purchase supplies for Clark were supposed to be backed by the state of Virginia. However, Pollock in turn had to rely on his own personal credit and Gálvez, who allowed the funds of the Spanish government to be at Pollock's disposal as loans. These funds were usually delivered in the cover of night by Gálvez's private secretary.[17]
The Spanish garrisons in the Louisiana region repelled attacks from British units and the latter's Indian allies in the Battle of Saint Louis in 1780. A year later, a detachment traveled through present-day Illinois and took Fort St. Joseph, in the modern state of Michigan. This expedition gave Spain some claim to the Northwest Territory, which was thwarted diplomatically by Great Britain and the young United States in their separate peace in the Treaty of Paris (1783).[16]
Siege of Yorktown[edit]
Main article: Yorktown Campaign
The Spanish also assisted in the Siege of Yorktown in 1781, the critical and final major battle of the North America theater. French General Jean-Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, comte de Rochambeau, commanding his country's forces in North America, sent a desperate appeal to François Joseph Paul de Grasse, the French admiral designated to assist the Colonists, asking him to raise money in the Caribbean to fund the campaign at Yorktown. With the assistance of Spanish agent Francisco Saavedra de Sangronis, the needed cash, over 500,000 in silver pesos, was raised in Havana, Cuba within 24 hours. This money was used to purchase critical supplies for the siege, and to fund payroll for the Continental Army.[18]
Antilles War[edit]
After Spain entered the war, Major General John Dalling, the British governor and commander-in-chief of Jamaica, proposed in 1780 an expedition to the Spanish province of Nicaragua. The goal was to sail up the San Juan River to Lake Nicaragua and capture the town of Granada, which would effectively cut Spanish America in half as well as provide potential access to the Pacific Ocean. Because of disease and logistical problems, the expedition proved to be a costly debacle.[19][20]
The expedition sailed from Jamaica on February 3, 1780, escorted by twenty-one year-old Captain Horatio Nelson in the Hinchinbrook. Nelson was the highest-ranking officer present, but his authority was limited to naval operations. The overall commander was Captain (local rank of major) John Polson of the 60th Regiment, who recognized young Nelson's abilities and worked closely with him. Polson had about three to four hundred regulars of the 60th and the 79th Regiments, about 300 men of the Loyal Irish Corps raised by Dalling, as well as several hundred local recruits, including blacks and Miskito Indians.
After many delays, the expedition began to move up the San Juan River on March 17, 1780. On April 9, Nelson—in the first hand-to-hand combat of his career—led an assault which captured a Spanish battery on the island of Bartola. The siege of Fort San Juan, located five miles (8 km) upstream and manned with about 150 armed defenders and 86 others, began on April 13. Because of poor planning and lost supplies, the British soon began to run low on ammunition for the cannons as well as rations for the men. After the tropical rains started on April 20, men began to sicken and die, probably from malaria and dysentery, and perhaps typhoid fever.
Nelson was one of the first to become ill, and he was shipped downriver on April 28, the day before the Spanish surrendered the fort. About 450 British reinforcements arrived on May 15, but the blacks and the Indians abandoned the expedition because of illness and discontent. Although Dalling persisted in trying to gather reinforcements, sickness continued to take a heavy toll, and the expedition was abandoned on November 8, 1780. The Spanish reoccupied the remains of the fort after the British blew it up on departure. In all, more than 2,500 men died, which "made the San Juan expedition the costliest British disaster of the entire war."[21]
Following these successes, an unauthorized Spanish force captured the Bahamas in 1782, without battle. In 1783 Gálvez was preparing to invade Jamaica from Cuba, but these plans were aborted when Britain sued for peace.
Peace of Paris[edit]
Main article: Peace of Paris (1783)
The reforms made by Spanish authorities as a result of Spain's poor performance in the Seven Years' War had proved generally successful. As a result, Spain retained Menorca and West Florida in the Treaty of Paris and also regained East Florida. The lands east of the Mississippi, however, were recognized as part of the newly independent United States of America.[22]
Contribution to victory[edit]
The involvement of France was decisive in the British defeat. Spain's contribution was important too.[23] By allying themselves with foreign monarchies, the United States took advantage of the power struggles within European imperialism and essentially formed a united front against Britain. The new nation was eager to spread republicanism, which could threaten Spain's own colonies, and later did so, in the Latin American wars of independence. Nevertheless, Spain maintained a level of support throughout the war in pursuit of its geopolitical interests. Historian Thomas A. Bailey says of Spain:
Although she was attracted by the prospect of a war [against England] for restitution and revenge, she was repelled by the specter of an independent and powerful American republic. Such a new state might reach over the Alleghenies into the Mississippi Valley and grasp territory that Spain wanted for herself. Even worse, it might eventually seize Spain's colonies in the New World.[24]
Aftermath[edit]
Spain's involvement in the American Revolutionary War was widely regarded as a successful one. The Spanish took a gamble in entering the war, banking on Great Britain's vulnerability caused by the effort of fighting their rebellious colonists in North America while also conducting a global war on many fronts against a coalition of major powers. This helped Spain gain some relatively easy conquests.
The war gave a boost to the kingdom's prestige, which had suffered from the losses to Britain in the Seven Years' War. Even though Spain's single most coveted target, Gibraltar, remained out of its grasp, Spain had more than compensated by recovering Menorca and by reducing the British threat to its colonies in and around the Caribbean, all of which were seen as vital to Spanish interests.
Spain was seen to have received tangible results out of the war, especially in contrast to its ally France. The French king had invested huge amounts of manpower, funds and material resources for little clear military or economic gain. France had been left with crippling debts which it struggled to pay off, and which would become one of the major causes of the French Revolution that broke out in 1789. Spain, in comparison, disposed of its debts more easily, partly due to the stunning increases in silver production from the mines in Mexico and Bolivia.[25]
One particular outcome of the war was the manner in which it enhanced the position of Prime Minister Floridablanca, and his government continued to dominate Spanish politics until 1792.
Don Diego de Gardoqui, of the Gardoqui trading company that had greatly assisted the rebels during the war, was appointed as Spain's first ambassador to the United States of America in 1784. Gardoqui became well acquainted with George Washington, and marched in the newly elected President Washington's inaugural parade. King Charles III of Spain continued communications with Washington, sending him livestock from Spain that Washington had requested for his farm at Mount Vernon.[26]
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Thomas E. Chavez (January 2004). Spain and the Independence of the United States: An Intrinsic Gift. UNM Press. p. 225. ISBN 978-0-8263-2794-9.
Jump up ^ Fernández y Fernández, p. 4
Jump up ^ Caughey, p. 87
Jump up ^ Mitchell, p. 99
Jump up ^ Sparks, 1:201
Jump up ^ Robert S. Chamberlain, "Latin America", in An Encyclopedia of History (1948), Revised Edition, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, p. 501.
Jump up ^ Robert S. Chamberlain, "Latin America", in An Encyclopedia of History (1948), Revised Edition, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, p. 502.
Jump up ^ "Spanish Guinea", in The Columbia-Viking Desk Encyclopedia (1953), New York: Viking.
Jump up ^ John D. Grainger (2005), The Battle of Yorktown, 1781: A Reassessment, Bognor Regis, West Sussex: Boydell & Brewer, p. 10.
Jump up ^ Sparks, 1:408
Jump up ^ Jack Russell, Gibraltar besieged, 1779-1783 (Heinemann, 1965).
Jump up ^ Chartrand p.84
Jump up ^ Chartrand 54-56
Jump up ^ Harvey p.532
Jump up ^ Harvey p.413-14
^ Jump up to: a b Collins, William. "The Spanish Attack On Fort St. Joseph". National Park Service. Retrieved 10 March 2012.
Jump up ^ Caughey pp. 98–99
Jump up ^ Dull p. 245
Jump up ^ Coleman, Terry (2004). The Nelson Touch: The Life and Legend of Horatio Nelson. London, UK: Oxford University Press. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-19-517322-2.
Jump up ^ This account follows John Sugden, Nelson: A Dream of Glory, 1758–1797, ch. VII.
Jump up ^ Sugden, p. 173
Jump up ^ Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independence (1965).
Jump up ^ Brendan Simms, Three victories and a defeat: the rise and fall of the first British Empire (Hachette UK, 2008).
Jump up ^ Thomas A. Bailey, A diplomatic history of the American people (10th ed. 1980) p 32-33.
Jump up ^ In the mid-18th century, production in Mexico increased by about 600%, and by 250% in Peru and Bolivia. Castillero Calvo p. 193
Jump up ^ Chávez p. 2
References[edit]
Calderón Cuadrado, Reyes (2004). Empresarios españoles en el proceso de independencia norteamericana: La casa Gardoqui e hijos de Bilbao. Madrid: Union Editorial, S.A.
Castillero Calvo, Alfredo (2004). Las Rutas de la Plata: La Primera Globalización. Madrid: Ediciones San Marcos. ISBN 84-89127-47-6.
Caughey, John W. (1998). Bernardo de Gálvez in Louisiana 1776–1783. Gretna: Pelican Publishing Company. ISBN 1-56554-517-6.
Chartrand, René (2006). Gibraltar 1779–83: The great siege. Osprey Campaign. ISBN 1-84176-977-0.
Chávez, Thomas E. (2002). Spain and the Independence of the United States: An Intrinsic Gift. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 0-8263-2794-X.
Dull, Jonathan R. (1975). The French Navy and American Independence: A Study of Arms and Diplomacy, 1774–1787. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Fernández y Fernández, Enrique (1885). Spain's Contribution to the independence of the United States. Embassy of Spain: United States of America.
Harvey, Robert (2004). A Few Bloody Noses: The American Revolutionary War. Robinson. ISBN 1-84119-952-4.
Mitchell, Barbara A. (Autumn 2012). "America's Spanish Savior: Bernardo de Gálvez". MHQ (Military History Quarterly). pp. 98–104.
Sparks, Jared (1829–1830). The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution. Boston: Nathan Hale and Gray & Bowen.
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Dissertations[edit]
Klotz, Edwin F., (1959). Los Corsarios Americanos Y España (1776-1786) (Ph.D.). Seminario de Estudios Americanistas, Universidad de Madrid. Worldcat. http://www.worldcat.org/title/corsarios-americanos-y-espana-1776-1786/oclc/857221
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Spain_and_the_American_Revolutionary_War&oldid=837618667"
Categories:
Conflicts in 1779
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18th century in Spain
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1779 in the British Empire
1780 in the British Empire
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1779 in the United States
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