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Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
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Not to be confused with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (Ukraine–Central Powers), a similar treaty involving Ukraine and the Central Powers.
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The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
The first two pages of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk,
in (from left to right) German, Hungarian, Bulgarian, Ottoman Turkish and Russian
Signed
3 March 1918 (during the First World War)
Location
Brest-Litovsk, Bialystok-Grodno District
(Ukraine under German occupation)[1]
Condition
Ratification
Signatories
Germany
Austria-Hungary
Bulgaria
Ottoman Empire
Russian SFSR
Languages
Bulgarian
German
Hungarian
Russian
Ottoman Turkish
en:Treaty of Brest-Litovsk at Wikisource
The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was a peace treaty signed on 3 March 1918 between the new Bolshevik government of Soviet Russia and the Central Powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and the Ottoman Empire), that ended Russia's participation in World War I. The treaty was signed at Brest-Litovsk (Polish: Brześć Litewski; since 1945 Brest), after two months of negotiations. The treaty was agreed upon by the Bolshevik government to stop further advances by German and Austro-Hungarian forces. According to the treaty, Soviet Russia defaulted on all of Imperial Russia's commitments to the Triple Entente alliance.
In the treaty, Bolshevik Russia ceded the Baltic States to Germany; they were meant to become German vassal states under German princelings.[2] Russia also ceded its province of Kars Oblast in the South Caucasus to the Ottoman Empire and recognized the independence of Ukraine. According to Spencer Tucker, a historian of World War I, "The German General Staff had formulated extraordinarily harsh terms that shocked even the German negotiator."[3] Congress Poland was not mentioned in the treaty, as Germans refused to recognize the existence of any Polish representatives, which in turn led to Polish protests.[4] When Germans later complained that the Treaty of Versailles of 1919 was too harsh on them, the Allied Powers (and historians favorable to the Allied Powers) responded that it was more benign than Brest-Litovsk.[5]
The treaty was effectively terminated in November 1918,[6] when Germany surrendered to the Allies. However, in the meantime, it did provide some relief to the Bolsheviks, already fighting the Russian Civil War, by the renunciation of Russia's claims on modern-day Poland, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Ukraine and Lithuania.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Peace negotiations
3 The terms of the Treaty
3.1 Signing
3.2 Territorial cessions in eastern Europe
3.3 Transfer of territory to the Ottoman Empire
3.4 Russian-German financial agreement of August 1918
4 Lasting effects
5 Portraits
6 See also
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links
Background[edit]
Main articles: Eastern Front (World War I) and Russian Revolution
By 1917, Germany and Imperial Russia were stuck in a stalemate on the Eastern Front of World War I and the Russian economy had nearly collapsed under the strain of the war effort. The large numbers of war casualties and persistent food shortages in the major urban centers brought about civil unrest, known as the February Revolution, that forced Tsar Nicholas II to abdicate. The Russian Provisional Government that replaced the Tsar (initially presided by prince Georgy Lvov, later by Alexander Kerensky), decided to continue the war on the Entente side. Foreign Minister Pavel Milyukov sent the Entente Powers a telegram, known as Milyukov note, affirming to them that the Provisional Government would continue the war with the same war aims that Imperial Russia did.
The pro-war Provisional Government was opposed by the self-proclaimed Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, dominated by leftist parties. Its Order No. 1 called for an overriding mandate to soldier committees rather than army officers. The Soviet started to form its own paramilitary power, the Red Guards, in March 1917.
The continuing war led the German Government to agree to a suggestion that they should favor the opposition Communist Party (Bolsheviks), who were proponents of Russia's withdrawal from the war. Therefore, in April 1917, Germany transported Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin and thirty-one supporters in a sealed train from exile in Switzerland to Finland.[7] Upon his arrival in Petrograd, Lenin proclaimed his April Theses, which included a call for turning all political power over to workers' and soldiers' soviets (councils) and an immediate withdrawal of Russia from the war. Throughout 1917, Bolsheviks called for the overthrow of the Provisional Government and an end to the war. Following the disastrous failure of the Kerensky Offensive, discipline in the Russian army deteriorated completely. Soldiers would disobey orders, often under the influence of Bolshevik agitation, and set up soldiers' committees to take control of their units after deposing the officers. Russian and German soldiers occasionally fraternized.
The defeat and ongoing hardships of war led to anti-government riots in Petrograd, the "July Days" of 1917. Several months later, on 7 November (25 October old style), Red Guards seized the Winter Palace and arrested the Provisional Government in what is known as the October Revolution.
A top priority of the newly established Soviet government was to end the war. On 8 November 1917 (26 October 1917 O.S) Vladimir Lenin signed the Decree on Peace, which was approved by the Second Congress of the Soviet of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies. The Decree called "upon all the belligerent nations and their governments to start immediate negotiations for peace" and proposed an immediate withdrawal of Russia from World War I. Leon Trotsky was appointed Commissar of Foreign Affairs in the new Bolshevik government. In preparation for peace talks with the representatives of the German government and the representatives of the other Central Powers, Leon Trotsky appointed his good friend, Adolph Joffe, to represent the Bolsheviks at the peace conference.
Peace negotiations[edit]
Lev Kamenev arrives at Brest-Litovsk.
Trotsky greeted by German officers.
Special edition of the Lübeckischen Anzeigen, Headline: “Peace with Ukraine”.
On 15 December 1917, an armistice between Soviet Russia and the Central Powers was concluded. On 22 December, peace negotiations began in Brest-Litovsk.
Arrangements for the conference were the responsibility of General Max Hoffmann, chief of staff of the Central Powers' forces on their Eastern Front (Oberkommando-Ostfront). The delegations that had negotiated the armistice were made stronger. Prominent additions on the Central Powers’ side were the foreign ministers of Germany Richard von Kühlmann and of Austria-Hungary Count Ottokar Czernin, both the Ottoman grand vizier Talat Pasha and Foreign Minister Nassimy Bey. The Bulgarians were headed by Minister of Justice Popoff, who was later joined by Prime Minister Vasil Radoslavov.[8][9]
The Russian delegation was led by Adolph Joffe who had already led their armistice negotiators, but his group was made more cohesive by eliminating most of the representatives of social groups, like peasants and sailors, and the addition of tsarist general Aleksandr Samoilo and the noted Marxist historian Mikhail Pokrovsky. It still included as the representative for women Anastasia Bizenko, who had assassinated a high Imperial official. Again the negotiators met in the fortress in Brest Litovsk, while the delegates were housed in temporary wooden structure in its courtyards, because the city had been burnt to the ground in 1915 by the retreating Russian army. They were cordially welcomed by the commander of the Eastern Front, Prince Leopold of Bavaria, who sat with Joffe on the head table at the opening banquet with one hundred guests.[10] As they had during the armistice negotiations both sides continued to eat dinner and supper together amicably intermingled in the officer's mess.
When the conference convened Kühlmann asked Joffe to present the Russian conditions for peace. He made six points, all variations of the Bolshevik slogan of peace with "no annexations or indemnities". The Central Powers accepted these principles "but only in case all belligerents [including the nations of the Entente] without exception pledge themselves to do the same".[11] They did not intend to annex territories occupied by force. Joffe telegraphed this marvelous news to Petrograd. Thanks to informal chatting in the mess, one of Hoffmann's aides, Colonel Friedrich Brinckmann, realized that the Russians had optimistically misinterpreted the Central Power's meaning.[12] It fell to Hoffmann to set matters straight at dinner on 27 December: Poland, Lithuania and Courland, already occupied by the Central Powers, were determined to separate from Russia, on the principle of self-determination that the Bolsheviks themselves espoused. Joffe "looked as if he had received a blow on the head".[13] Pokrovsky wept as he asked how they could speak of "peace without annexations when Germany was tearing eighteen provinces away from the Russian state".[14] The Germans and Austro-Hungarian planned to annex slices of Polish territory and to set up a rump Polish state with what remained, while the Baltic provinces were to become client states ruled by German princes. Czernin was beside himself with this hitch that was slowing the negotiations; self-determination was anathema to his government and they urgently needed grain from the east because Vienna was on the verge of starvation. He proposed to make a separate peace.[15] Kühlmann warned that if they negotiated separately Germany would immediately withdraw all its divisions from the Austrian front; Czernin dropped that threat. The food crisis in Vienna was eventually eased by "forced drafts of grain from Hungary, Poland, and Romania and by a last moment contribution from Germany of 450 truck-loads of flour",[16] At the Russian request they agreed to recess the talks for twelve days.
The Russians only hopes were that given time their allies would agree to join the negotiations or that the western European proletariat would revolt, so their best strategy was to prolong the negotiations. As Foreign Minister Leon Trotsky wrote "To delay negotiations, there must be someone to do the delaying".[17] Therefore Trotsky replaced Joffe as the leader.
On the other side there were significant political realignments. On New Year's Day in Berlin the Kaiser insisted that Hoffmann reveal his views on the future German-Polish border. He advocated taking a small slice of Poland; Hindenburg and Ludendorff wanted much more. They were furious with Hoffmann for breaching the chain of command and wanted him dismissed and sent to command a division. The Kaiser refused, but Ludendorff no longer spoke with Hoffmann on the telephone, now communication was through an intermediary.[18] The German Supreme Commanders were also furious at ruling out of annexations, contending that the peace "must increase Germany's material power".[19] They denigrated Kühlmann and pressed for additional territorial acquisitions. When Hindenburg was asked why they needed the Baltic states he replied, "To secure my left flank for when the next war happens."[20] However the most profound transformation was that a delegation from the Ukrainian Rada, which had declared independence from Russia, had arrived at Brest-Litovsk. They would make peace if they were given the Polish city of Cholm and its surroundings, and then would provide desperately needed grain. Czernin no longer was desperate for a prompt settlement with the Russians.
When they reconvened Trotsky declined the invitation to meet Prince Leopold and terminated shared meals and other sociable interactions with the representatives of the Central Powers. Day after day Trotsky "engaged Kühlmann in debate, rising to subtle discussion of first principles that ranged far beyond the concrete territorial issues that divided them".[21] The Central Powers signed a peace treaty with Ukraine during the night of 8–9 February, even though the Russians had retaken Kiev. German and Austro-Hungarian troops entered Ukraine to prop up the Rada. Finally Hoffmann broke the impasse with the Russians by focusing the discussion on maps of the future boundaries. Trotsky summarized their situation "Germany and Austria-Hungary are cutting off from the domains of the former Russian Empire territories more than 150,000 square kilometers in size."[22] He was granted a nine day recess for the Russians to decide whether to sign.
In Petrograd Trotsky argued passionately against signing, proposing that instead "they should announce the termination of the war and demobilization without signing any peace."[23] Lenin was for signing rather than having an even more ruinous treaty forced on them after a few more weeks of military humiliation. The "Left Communists", led by Nikolai Bukharin and Karl Radek, were sure that Germany, Austria, Turkey, and Bulgaria were all on the verge of revolution. They wanted to continue the war with a newly-raised revolutionary force while awaiting for these upheavals.[24] Consequently Lenin agreed to Trotsky's formula — a position summed up as "no war – no peace" — which was announced when the negotiators reconvened on 10 February 1918. The Russians thought their stalling was succeeding until 16 February when Hoffmann notified them that the war would resume in two days, when fifty-three divisions advanced against the near-empty Russian trenches. On the night of 18 February the Central Committee supported Lenin's resolution that they sign the treaty by a margin of seven to five. Hoffmann kept advancing until 23 February when he presented new terms that included the withdrawal of all Russian troops from Ukraine and Finland. They were give 48 hours to decide. Lenin told the Central Committee that "you must sign this shameful peace in order to save the world revolution".[25] If they did not agree he would resign. He was supported by six Central Committee members, opposed by three, with Trotsky and three others abstaining.[26] Trotsky resigned as foreign minister and was replaced by Grigori Sokolnikov.
When Sokolnikov arrived at Brest-Litovsk he declared "we are going to sign immediately the treaty presented to us as an ultimatum but at the same time refuse to enter into any discussion of its terms".[27] The treaty was signed at 17:50 on 3 March 1918.
The terms of the Treaty[edit]
Signing of armistice between Russia and Germany
Signing[edit]
Borders drawn up in Brest-Litovsk.
The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed on 3 March 1918. The signatories were Bolshevik Russia signed by Grigori Yakovlovich Sokolnikov on the one side and the German Empire, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Ottoman Empire on the other.
The treaty marked Russia's final withdrawal from World War I as an enemy of her co-signatories, on severe terms. In all, the treaty took away territory that included a quarter of the population and industry of the former Russian Empire [28] and nine-tenths of its coal mines.[29]
Territorial cessions in eastern Europe[edit]
Russia renounced all territorial claims in Finland (which it had already acknowledged), Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania), Belarus, and Ukraine. The territory of the Kingdom of Poland was not mentioned in the treaty, because Russian Poland had been a personal possession of the Tsar, not part of the Empire.
The treaty stated that "Germany and Austria-Hungary intend to determine the future fate of these territories in agreement with their populations." Most of these territories were in effect ceded to Germany, which intended to have them become economic and political dependencies. The many ethnic German residents (volksdeutsch) would be the ruling elite. New monarchies were created in Lithuania and the United Baltic Duchy (which comprised the modern countries of Latvia and Estonia). The German aristocrats Wilhelm Karl, Duke of Urach (in Lithuania), and Adolf Friedrich, Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin (in the United Baltic Duchy), were appointed as rulers.
This plan was detailed by German Colonel General Erich Ludendorff, who wrote, "German prestige demands that we should hold a strong protecting hand, not only over German citizens, but over all Germans."[30]
The occupation of Western Russia ultimately proved a costly blunder for Berlin as over one million German troops lay sprawled out from Poland nearly to the Caspian Sea, all idle and depriving Germany of badly needed manpower in France. The hopes of utilizing Ukraine's grain and coal proved abortive and in addition, the local population became increasingly upset at the occupying army. Revolts and guerrilla warfare began breaking out all over the occupied zone, many of them inspired by Bolshevik agents. German troops had to intervene in Finland to put down an attempted Bolshevik coup, and Ludendorff became increasingly paranoid about his troops being affected by propaganda emanating from Moscow; this was one of the reasons he was reluctant to transfer divisions to the Western Front. The attempt at establishing an independent Ukrainian state under German guidance was unsuccessful as well. Despite all this, Ludendorff completely ruled out the idea of marching on Moscow and Petrograd to remove the Bolshevik government from power.
Germany transferred hundreds of thousands of veteran troops to the Western Front for the 1918 Spring Offensive, which shocked the Allied Powers badly, but ultimately failed. Some Germans later blamed the occupation for significantly weakening the Spring Offensive.
Transfer of territory to the Ottoman Empire[edit]
"Three bones—a bountiful tip", a political cartoon from 1918 by American cartoonist E. A. Bushnell.
At the insistence of Talaat Pasha, the treaty declared that the territory Russia took from the Ottoman Empire in the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878), specifically Ardahan, Kars, and Batumi, were to be returned. At the time of the treaty, this territory was under the effective control of Armenian and Georgian forces.
Paragraph 3 of Article IV of the treaty states that:
The districts of Erdehan, Kars, and Batum will likewise and without delay be cleared of Russian troops. Russia will not interfere in the reorganization of the national and international relations of these districts, but leave it to the population of these districts to carry out this reorganization in agreement with the neighboring States, especially with the Ottoman Empire.
Russian-German financial agreement of August 1918[edit]
In the wake of Russian repudiation of Tsarist bonds, nationalisation of foreign-owned property and confiscation of foreign assets, Russia and Germany signed an additional agreement on 27 August 1918. Russia agreed to pay six billion marks in compensation to German interests for their losses.
Lasting effects[edit]
"Poland & The New Baltic States": a map from a 1920 British atlas, showing borders left undefined between the treaties of Brest-Litovsk, Versailles and Riga.
Russia's western border in 2014. Thereafter the Crimea has come under Russian administration
The Treaty meant that Russia now was helping Germany win the war by freeing up a million German soldiers for the Western Front[31] and by "relinquishing much of Russia's food supply, industrial base, fuel supplies, and communications with Western Europe."[32][33] According to historian Spencer Tucker, the Allied Powers felt, "The treaty was the ultimate betrayal of the Allied cause and sowed the seeds for the Cold War. With Brest-Litovsk the spectre of German domination in Eastern Europe threatened to become reality, and the Allies now began to think seriously about military intervention [in Russia]."[34]
Immediately after the signing of the treaty, Lenin moved the Soviet Russian government from Petrograd to Moscow.[35] Trotsky blamed the peace treaty on the bourgeoisie, the social revolutionaries,[36] Tsarist diplomats, Tsarist bureaucrats, "the Kerenskys, Tseretelis and Chernovs"[37] the Tsarist regime, and the "petty-bourgeois compromisers".[38]
Relations between Russia and the victors did not go smoothly. The Ottoman Empire broke the treaty by invading the newly created First Republic of Armenia in May 1918. Joffe became the Russian ambassador to Germany. His priority was distributing propaganda to trigger the German revolution. On 4 November 1918 "the Soviet courier's packing-case had 'come to pieces'" in a Berlin railway station;[39] it was filled with insurrectionary documents. Joffe and his staff were ejected from Germany in a sealed train on 5 November 1918. In the Armistice of 11 November 1918 that ended World War I, one clause abrogated the Brest-Litovsk treaty. Next the Bolshevik legislature (VTsIK) annulled the treaty on 13 November 1918, and the text of the VTsIK Decision was printed in Pravda newspaper the next day. In the year after the armistice following a timetable set by the victors the German Army withdrew its occupying forces from the lands gained in Brest-Litovsk. The fate of the region, and the location of the eventual western border of the Soviet Union, was settled in violent and chaotic struggles over the course of the next three and a half years. The Polish–Soviet War was particularly bitter; it ended with the Treaty of Riga in 1921. Although most of Ukraine fell under Bolshevik control and eventually became one of the constituent republics of the Soviet Union, Poland and the Baltic states emerged as independent countries. In the Treaty of Rapallo, concluded in April 1922, Germany accepted the Treaty's nullification, and the two powers agreed to abandon all war-related territorial and financial claims against each other. This state of affairs lasted until 1939. As a consequence of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, the Soviet Union advanced its borders westward by invading Poland in September 1939 and taking a small part of Finland in November 1939 and annexing the Baltic States, Eastern Poland and Bessarabia in 1940. It thus overturned almost all the territorial losses incurred at Brest-Litovsk, except for the main part of Finland, western Congress Poland, and western Armenia.
The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk marked a significant contraction of the territory controlled by the Bolsheviks or that they could lay claim to as effective successors of the Russian Empire. While the independence of Finland and Poland was already accepted by them in principle,[citation needed] the loss of Ukraine and the Baltics created, from the Bolshevik perspective, dangerous bases of anti-Bolshevik military activity in the subsequent Russian Civil War (1918–1922). However Bolshevik control of Ukraine and Transcaucasia was at the time fragile or non existent.[40] Many Russian nationalists and some revolutionaries were furious at the Bolsheviks' acceptance of the treaty and joined forces to fight them. Non-Russians who inhabited the lands lost by Bolshevik Russia in the treaty saw the changes as an opportunity to set up independent states.
For the Western Allied Powers, the terms that Germany imposed on Russia were interpreted as a warning of what to expect if Germany and the other Central Powers won the war. Between Brest-Litovsk and the point when the German military situation in the west became dire, some officials in the German government and high command began to favor offering more lenient terms to the Allied Powers in exchange for their recognition of German gains in the east.[citation needed]
The maps show that Russia's post-1991 western border bears a marked similarity to that imposed by the Brest-Litovsk treaty.[citation needed]
Portraits[edit]
Emil Orlik, the Viennese Secessionist artist, attended the conference, at the invitation of Richard von Kühlmann. He drew portraits of all the participants, along with a series of smaller caricatures. These were gathered together into a book, Brest-Litovsk, a copy of which was given to each of the participants.[41]
See also[edit]
World War I portal
History of Belarus
Mitteleuropa
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (9 February 1918), signed by Ukraine
Treaty of Bucharest (1918)
References[edit]
Jump up ^ (in Ukrainian) To whom did Brest belong in 1918? Argument among Ukraine, Belarus, and Germany. Ukrayinska Pravda, 25 March 2011.
Jump up ^ A History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526-1918 By Robert A. Kann page 479-480
Jump up ^ Spencer C. Tucker (2005). World War One. ABC-CLIO. p. 225.
Jump up ^ Mapping Europe's Borderlands: Russian Cartography in the Age of Empire Steven Seegel - 2012 At Brest-Litovsk in March 1918, no Polish delegation was invited to the negotiations, and in the Polish press, journalists condemned it as yet another partition of the lands east of the Bug River by great powers
Jump up ^ Zara S. Steiner (2005). The Lights that Failed: European International History, 1919–1933. Oxford U.P. p. 68.
Jump up ^ Fry, Michael Graham; Goldstein, Erik; Langhorne, Richard (2002). Guide to International Relations and Diplomacy. Continuum. p. 188.
Jump up ^ Wheeler-Bennett, John W. (1938). Brest-Litovsk : The forgotten peace. London: Macmillan. pp. 36–41.
Jump up ^ Wheeler-Bennett, John W. (1938). Brest-Litovsk : the forgotten peace, March 1918. London: Macmillan. pp. 111–112.
Jump up ^ Lincoln, W. B. (1986). Passage through Armageddon. The Russians in war & revolution 1914-1918. New York: Simon & Schuster. pp. 489–491.
Jump up ^ Czernin, Count Ottokar (1919). In the world war. London: Cassall. p. 228.
Jump up ^ Lincoln, 1986, p. 490.
Jump up ^ Wheeler-Bennett, 1938, p. 124.
Jump up ^ Hoffmann, Major General Max (1929). War Diaries and other papers. 1. London: Martin Secker. p. 209.
Jump up ^ Lincoln, 1989, p. 401.
Jump up ^ Lincoln, 1989, p. 491.
Jump up ^ Wheeler-Bennett, 1938, p. 170.
Jump up ^ Trotsky, Leon (1930). "My Life" (PDF). Marxists. Charles Schribner’s Sons. p. 286.
Jump up ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1938, pp. 130-136.
Jump up ^ Ludendorff, General (1920). The General Staff and its problems The history of the relations between the high command and the German Imperial Government as revealed in official documents. 2. London: Hutchinson. p. 209.
Jump up ^ David Stevenson (2009). Cataclysm: The First World War as Political Tragedy. Basic Books. p. 315. ISBN 978-0-7867-3885-4.
Jump up ^ Lincoln, 1989, p. 494.
Jump up ^ Lincoln, 1989, p. 496.
Jump up ^ Wheeler-Bennett, John W. (1938). Brest-Litovsk : the forgotten peace, March 1918. London: Macmillan. pp. 185–186.
Jump up ^ Fisher, Ruth (1982). Stalin and German communism: A study ion the origins of the state party. New Brunswick NJ: Transition Books. p. 39.
Jump up ^ Wheeler-Bennett, 1938, p. 260.
Jump up ^ Fischer, 1982, pp. 32-36.
Jump up ^ Wheeler-Bennett, 1938, pp. 268-269.
Jump up ^ John Keegan, The First World War (New York: Vintage Books, 2000), p. 342.
Jump up ^ Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, 1960, p. 57
Jump up ^ Ludendorff, Erich von (1920). The General Staff and its Problems. London. p. 562.
Jump up ^ Jerald A Combs (2015). The History of American Foreign Policy from 1895. Routledge. p. 97.
Jump up ^ Todd Chretien (2017). Eyewitnesses to the Russian Revolution. p. 129.
Jump up ^ Michael Senior (2016). Victory on the Western Front: The Development of the British Army 1914-1918. p. 176.
Jump up ^ Spencer C. Tucker (2013). The European Powers in the First World War: An Encyclopedia. p. 608.
Jump up ^ "LENINE’S MIGRATION A QUEER SCENE", The New York Times, March 16, 1918
Jump up ^ [1] The Military Writings of Leon Trotsky Volume 1, 1918 TWO ROADS "We have not forgotten, in the first place, that the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk meant the noose that was flung about our neck by the bourgeoisie and the SRs who were responsible for the offensive of June 18."
Jump up ^ [2] The Military Writings of Leon Trotsky Volume 1, 1918 THE INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL TASKS OF THE SOVIET POWER "Those who bear the guilt of the Brest-Litovsk peace are the Tsarist bureaucrats and diplomats who involved us in the dreadful war, squandering what the people had accumulated, robbing the people – they who kept the working masses in ignorance and slavery. On the other hand, no less guilt rests with the compromisers, the Kerenskys, Tseretelis and Chernovs."
Jump up ^ [3] The Military Writings of Leon Trotsky Volume 1, 1918 WE NEED AN ARMY "the entire burden of recent events, above all, the Brest peace, has fallen tragically upon us only through the previous management of affairs by the Tsarist regime and, following it, by the regime of the petty-bourgeois compromisers".
Jump up ^ Wheeller-Bennett, 1938, p. 359.
Jump up ^ Keegan, John (1999) [1998]. The First World War. London: Pimlico. p. 410. ISBN 0-7126-6645-1.
Jump up ^ Jewish Museum in Prague (2013-2015). Emil Orlik (1870–1932) - Portraits of Friends and Contemporaries [description of exhibition in 2004]. Retrieved 2015-04-03.
Further reading[edit]
Dornik, Wolfram, and Peter Lieb. "Misconceived realpolitik in a failing state: the political and economical fiasco of the Central Powers in the Ukraine, 1918." First World War Studies 4.1 (2013): 111-124.
Kennan, George. Soviet Foreign Policy 1917–1941, Kreiger Publishing Company, 1960.
Kettle, Michael. Allies and the Russian Collapse (1981), 287p.
Wheeler-Bennett, Sir John. Brest-Litovsk the Forgotten Peace, March 1918, W. W. Norton & Company, 1969.
External links[edit]
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (Yale University Avalon Project), including links to appendices.
Resolution of the Fourth All-Russian (Extraordinary) Soviet Congress Ratifying the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Map of Europe after the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, at omniatlas.com.
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Gallup (company)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Not to be confused with Gallup International Association.
This article is about the management consulting and polling organization. For other uses, see Gallup.
Gallup
Type
Private
Founded
1935; 83 years ago (1935)
Founder
George Gallup
Headquarters
World Headquarters: Washington, D.C., U.S.
Operational Headquarters: Omaha, Nebraska, U.S.
Number of locations
30 offices[1]
Key people
Jim Clifton
(Chairman & CEO)
Owner
Employee-owned
Website
gallup.com
Gallup, Inc. is an American research-based, global performance-management consulting company. Founded by George Gallup in 1935, the company became known for its public opinion polls conducted worldwide. It provides research and strategic consulting to large organizations in many countries,[2] focusing on "analytics and advice to help leaders and organizations solve their most pressing problems".[3]
Some of Gallup's stated key practice areas are employee engagement, customer engagement, talent management, and well-being. Gallup has 30 offices in more than 20 countries, employing about 2,000 people in four divisions: Gallup Poll, Gallup Consulting, Gallup University, and Gallup Press.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Gallup Poll
2.1 Polling in the United States
2.1.1 Gallup Daily Tracking Methodology
2.1.2 Accuracy
2.2 Gallup World Poll
2.2.1 Gallup World Poll Methodology
3 Gallup Press
4 Legal
4.1 Alleged violations of the False Claims Act and the Procurement Integrity Act
5 See also
6 References
7 Further reading
8 External links
History[edit]
George Gallup (1901-1984), founder of the company in 1935
George Gallup founded the American Institute of Public Opinion, the precursor of the Gallup Organization, in Princeton, New Jersey, in 1935. He wished to objectively determine the opinions held by the people. To ensure his independence and objectivity, Gallup resolved that he would undertake no polling that was paid for or sponsored in any way by special interest groups such as the Republican and Democratic parties.
In 1936, Gallup successfully predicted that Franklin Roosevelt would defeat Alfred Landon for the U.S. presidency; this event popularized the company and made them a leader in American polling.[4] In 1938, Gallup and Gallup Vice President David Ogilvy began conducting market research for advertising companies and the film industry.[5] In 1958, the modern Gallup Organization was formed when George Gallup grouped all of his polling operations into one organization.[6]
In 1985, the organization started compiling video games sales charts in the United Kingdom.[7]
After Gallup's death in 1984, his family sold the firm to Selection Research, Incorporated (SRI), a research firm headquartered in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1988.[8] SRI, founded in 1969 by the psychologist Don Clifton, pioneered the use of talent-based structured psychological interviews.[9] SRI wanted the Gallup name to use on its polls, which gave them more credibility and higher response rates. Today the poll is used to gain visibility.
George Gallup, Jr., established the nonprofit George H. Gallup Foundation as part of the acquisition agreement.[8] Gallup Jr. died on November 21, 2011.[10]
Gallup Poll[edit]
Polling in the United States[edit]
The Gallup Poll is the division of Gallup that regularly conducts public opinion polls. Gallup Poll results, analysis, and videos are published daily in the form of data-driven news. Conducting polls brings the company financial losses of about $10 million a year, but gives Gallup company the visibility of a well-known brand, which helps promote its corporate research.[2]
Historically, the Gallup Poll has measured and tracked the public's attitudes concerning political, social, and economic issues, including sensitive or controversial subjects.
Gallup Daily Tracking Methodology[edit]
Gallup Daily tracking is made up of two surveys: the Gallup U.S. Daily political and economic survey and the Gallup-Healthways Well-Being Index. For both surveys, Gallup conducts 500 interviews across the U.S. per day, 350 days out of the year, with 70% on cellphones and 30% on landlines.[11][12][13] Gallup Daily tracking methodology relies on live interviewers, dual-frame random-digit-dial sampling (which includes landline as well as cellular telephone phone sampling to reach those in cell phone-only households), and uses a multi-call design to reach respondents not contacted on the initial attempt.
The population of the U.S. that relied only on cell phones was 34% in 2012.[14]
The findings from Gallup's U.S. surveys are based on the organization's standard national telephone samples, consisting of list-assisted random-digit-dial (RDD) telephone samples using a proportionate, stratified sampling design. A computer randomly generates the phone numbers Gallup calls from all working phone exchanges (the first three numbers of your local phone number) and not-listed phone numbers; thus, Gallup is as likely to call unlisted phone numbers as well as listed phone numbers.
Within each contacted household reached via landline, an interview is sought with an adult 18 years of age or older living in the household who will have the next birthday. Gallup does not use the same respondent selection procedure when making calls to cell phones because they are typically associated with one individual rather than shared among several members of a household. Gallup Daily tracking includes Spanish-language interviews for Spanish-speaking respondents and interviews in Alaska and Hawaii.
When respondents to be interviewed are selected at random, every adult has an equal probability of falling into the sample. The typical sample size for a Gallup poll, either a traditional stand-alone poll or one night's interviewing from Gallup's Daily tracking, is 1,000 national adults with a margin of error of ±4 percentage points. Gallup's Daily tracking process now allows Gallup analysts to aggregate larger groups of interviews for more detailed subgroup analysis. But the accuracy of the estimates derived only marginally improves with larger sample sizes.
After Gallup collects and processes survey data, each respondent is assigned a weight so that the demographic characteristics of the total weighted sample of respondents match the latest estimates of the demographic characteristics of the adult population available from the U.S. Census Bureau. Gallup weights data to census estimates for gender, race, age, educational attainment, and region.[15]
The data are weighted daily by number of adults in the household and the respondents' reliance on cell phones, to adjust for any disproportion in selection probabilities. The data are then weighted to compensate for nonrandom nonresponse, using targets from the U.S. Census Bureau for age, region, gender, education, Hispanic ethnicity, and race. The resulting sample represents an estimated 95% of all U.S. households.[16][17]
Accuracy[edit]
From 1936 to 2008, Gallup Polls correctly predicted the winner of the presidential election with the notable exceptions of the 1948 Thomas Dewey-Harry S. Truman election, where nearly all pollsters predicted a Dewey victory (which also led to the infamous Dewey Defeats Truman headline), and 1976, when they inaccurately projected a slim victory by Gerald Ford over Jimmy Carter. For the 2008 U.S. presidential election, Gallup correctly predicted the winner, but was rated 17th out of 23 polling organizations in terms of the precision of its pre-election polls relative to the final results.[18]
In 2012, Gallup's final election survey had Mitt Romney at 49% and Barack Obama at 48%, compared to the final election results showing Obama with 51.1% to Romney's 47.2%.[19] Poll analyst Nate Silver found that Gallup's results were the least accurate of the 23 major polling firms Silver analyzed, having the highest incorrect average of being 7.2 points away from the final result.[20] Frank Newport, the editor-in-chief of Gallup, responded to the criticism by stating that Gallup simply makes an estimate of the national popular vote rather than predicting the winner and that their final poll was within the statistical margin of error. Newport also criticized analysts such as Silver who aggregate and analyze other people's polls, stating that "It’s much easier, cheaper, and mostly less risky to focus on aggregating and analyzing others’ polls."[21]
In 2012, poll analyst Mark Blumenthal criticized Gallup for a slight but routine under-weighting of black and Hispanic Americans that led to an approximately 2% shift of support away from Barack Obama. At the same time, Blumenthal commended Gallup for its "admirable commitment to transparency" and suggested that other polling firms disclose their raw data and methodologies.[22]
In 2013, the accuracy of Gallup polling on religious faith was questioned.[23] Gallup's polling on religiosity in the U.S. has produced results somewhat different[24][25] from other studies on religious issues, including a 2012 study by the Pew Research Center, which found that those who lack a religious affiliation were a fast-growing demographic group in the U.S.[26]
Gallup World Poll[edit]
In 2005, Gallup began its World Poll, which continually surveys citizens in 160 countries, representing more than 98% of the world's adult population. The Gallup World Poll consists of more than 100 global questions as well as region-specific items. It includes the following global indexes: law and order, food and shelter, institutions and infrastructure, good jobs, wellbeing, and brain gain. Gallup also works with organizations, cities, governments and countries to create custom items and indexes to gather information on specific topics of interest.[27][non-primary source needed]
Gallup World Poll Methodology[edit]
Gallup interviews approximately 1,000 residents per country. The target population is the entire civilian, non-institutionalized population, aged 15 and older. Gallup asks each respondent the survey questions in his or her own language to produce statistically comparable results. Gallup uses telephone surveys in countries where telephone coverage represents at least 80% of the population. Where telephone penetration is less than 80%, Gallup uses face-to-face interviewing.[27][28]
Gallup Press[edit]
Gallup Inc.'s in-house publishing division, Gallup Press, has published over 30 books on business and personal well being-related themes, including a number of best sellers.[29] Notable titles include First, Break All the Rules: What the World's Greatest Managers Do Differently, How Full Is Your Bucket?, written by Gallup senior scientist Tom Rath and his grandfather, Don Clifton, founder of SRI, Strengths Based Leadership, and Now, Discover Your Strengths, updated to a new version called StrengthsFinder 2.0, which was Amazon's bestselling book of 2013.[30] Books are distributed by Simon & Schuster.[31]
Legal[edit]
Alleged violations of the False Claims Act and the Procurement Integrity Act[edit]
In July 2013, the United States Department of Justice announced that Gallup had agreed to pay $10.5 million to settle allegations that it violated the False Claims Act and the Procurement Integrity Act for conduct involving several of its federal government contracts and subcontracts. The settlement resolved allegations in a complaint filed by the United States in November 2012. The complaint alleged that Gallup knowingly overstated its true estimated labor hours in proposals to the U.S. Mint and State Department for contracts and task orders that were to be awarded without competition. Because of Gallup’s conduct, the complaint alleged, the two federal agencies awarded Gallup contracts and task orders at falsely inflated prices. The settlement also resolved allegations that Gallup engaged in improper employment negotiations with a then-Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) official, Timothy Cannon, in order to obtain a FEMA subcontract at an inflated price and additional FEMA funding after the subcontract had been awarded. The allegations against Gallup were originally brought in a lawsuit filed under the whistleblower provisions of the False Claims Act by Michael Lindley, Gallup’s former Director of Client Services. As a result of the settlement with Gallup, Lindley will receive $1,929,363 as his share of the government’s recovery. Under the settlement, there was no prosecution and no determination of liability.[32][33][34]
See also[edit]
Gallup's most admired man and woman poll
Gallup's List of Most Widely Admired People of the 20th Century
George H. Gallup House
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "George H. Gallup, Founder". Gallup. Retrieved 2015-12-12.
^ Jump up to: a b c Boudway, Ira (2012-11-08). "Right or Wrong, Gallup Always Wins". Businessweek. Retrieved 2013-09-29.
Jump up ^ Inc., Gallup,. "About Gallup".
Jump up ^ "Engines of Our Ingenuity No. 1199: Gallup Poll". uh.edu. Retrieved 2015-04-25.
Jump up ^ "Corporate History". Gallup. Archived from the original on 2010-01-06. Retrieved 10 Jan 2010.
Jump up ^ “The Gallup Organization.” Boundless Political Science. Boundless, 14 Nov. 2014.
Jump up ^ Archive - Magazine viewer. World of Spectrum. Retrieved on 2013-07-12.
^ Jump up to: a b Zernike, Kate (2011-11-22). "George Gallup Jr., of Polling Family, Dies at 81". New York Times. Retrieved 2011-11-26.
Jump up ^ "Gallup's Clifton dies at age 79". Lincoln Journal Star.
Jump up ^ "George Gallup Jr., of Polling Family, Dies at 81". Washington Post.
Jump up ^ "Methodology Center". Gallup.com. Retrieved March 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Gallup Daily Tracking Methodology". Gallup. Retrieved 2015-12-12.
Jump up ^ CATHERINE RAMPELL (March 5, 2011). "Discovered: The Happiest Man in America". The New York Times. Retrieved 6 November 2013.
Jump up ^ Cell Phone Addiction Threatens Polling Industry Archived 2012-10-18 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "Public Opinion Polls: How does Gallup Polling Work?". Gallup.com. Retrieved 2013-09-29.
Jump up ^ "How does Gallup Daily tracking work?". Gallup.com. Retrieved 2013-09-29.
Jump up ^ "Gallup Daily Tracking Questions". Gallup.com. Retrieved 2013-09-29.
Jump up ^ Poll Accuracy in the 2008 Presidential Election (summary) Costas Panagopoulos, Ph.D. Department of Political Science, Fordham University, Initial Report, November 5, 2008
Jump up ^ Romney 49%, Obama 48% in Gallup's Final Election Survey November 5, 2012.
Jump up ^ Silver, Nate (Nov 10, 2012). "Which Polls Fared Best (and Worst) in the 2012 Presidential Race". The New York Times.
Jump up ^ Gallup.Com - Polling Matters by Frank Newport: Polling, Likely Voters, and the Law of the Commons. Pollingmatters.gallup.com (2012-11-09). Retrieved on 2013-07-12.
Jump up ^ Blumenthal, Mark (June 17, 2012). "Race Matters: Why Gallup Poll Finds Less Support For President Obama". The Huffington Post.
Jump up ^ Merica, Dan (January 10, 2013). "Bucking previous trends, survey finds growth of the religiously unaffiliated slowing". CNN. Retrieved 11 January 2013.
Jump up ^ "In U.S., Rise in Religious "Nones" Slows in 2012". Gallup. January 10, 2013.
Jump up ^ Newport, Frank (December 24, 2012). "In U.S., 77% Identify as Christian". Gallup.
Jump up ^ "'Nones' on the Rise". Pew Research Center on Religion & Public Life. October 9, 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b "How does Gallup's global polling work?". Gallup.com. Retrieved 2013-09-29.
Jump up ^ "Louis Harris, Pollster at Forefront of American Trends, Dies at 95". Like Elmo Roper and George Gallup, his pioneering predecessors, Mr. Harris plumbed attitudes with face-to-face interviews, using carefully worded questions put by trained interviewers to subjects selected as part of a group that was chosen as demographically representative of the nation.
Jump up ^ "Bestselling Books From the Premier Name in Analytics and Advice". Gallup.com. Retrieved 2015-04-25.
Jump up ^ "Amazon Best Sellers of 2013". Amazon.com. Retrieved 2015-03-28.
Jump up ^ "Simon & Schuster Distribution Services - Our Clients". www.simonandschusterpublishing.com.
Jump up ^ Office of Public Affairs (15 July 2013). "The Gallup Organization Agrees to Pay $10.5 Million to Settle Allegations That It Improperly Inflated Contract Prices and Engaged in Prohibited Employment Negotiations with Fema Official". United States Department of Justice. Retrieved 16 July 2013.
Jump up ^ Kendall, Brent; Chaudhuri, Saabira (July 15, 2013). "Gallup Settles U.S. Disputes Over Billing". Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 16 July 2013.
Jump up ^ Blake, Aaron (July 15, 2013). "Gallup agrees to $10.5 million settlement with Justice Department". Washington Post. Retrieved 16 July 2013.
Further reading[edit]
Boudway, Ira. "Right or Wrong, Gallup Always Wins, Bloomberg BusinessWeek Nov. 12, 2012
Cantril, Hadley. Gauging Public Opinion (1944)
Converse, Jean M. Survey Research in the United States: Roots and Emergence 1890-1960 (1987)
Gallup, George, ed. The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion, 1935-1971 (3 vol 1972), compilation of reports on thousands of Gallup polls.
Gallup, George. Public Opinion in a Democracy (1939),
Gallup, George. The Sophisticated Poll Watcher's Guide (1972)
Moore, David W. The Superpollsters: How They Measure and Manipulate Public Opinion in America (1995) online edition
Roll, Jr., Charles W. and Albert H. Cantril; Polls: Their Use and Misuse in Politics (1972) online edition
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Jason Lewis (actor)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This biography of a living person needs additional citations for verification. Please help by adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately, especially if potentially libelous or harmful. (January 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Jason Lewis
Lewis at the 10th Annual Angel Ball on October 29, 2007
Born
(1971-06-25) June 25, 1971 (age 46)
Newport Beach, California, U.S.
Occupation
Actor, model
Years active
1995–present
Jason Lewis (born June 25, 1971) is an American actor and former fashion model. He appeared on the May 2008 cover of Men's Fitness.
Contents
[hide]
1 Early life
2 Career
3 Filmography
4 References
5 External links
Early life[edit]
Lewis was born in Newport Beach, California to Nancy, a nurse, and Gregory Lewis, a judge; his parents are divorced.[1][2] He has three siblings, Sean, Katie and Nicole. In his teens he attended Los Alamitos High School in Los Alamitos, California. He attended college at San Diego State University. After college he started modeling, first in Paris and then with star status in Milan in the late 1990s for Guess?, Tommy Hilfiger and Hugo Boss, among others.[citation needed]
Career[edit]
Lewis appeared on Beverly Hills, 90210 in 1997, playing a love interest of character Valerie (Tiffani-Amber Thiessen). His most prominent role to date was in Sex and the City, where he was a recurring member of the show's cast in its final season as waiter turned emerging young actor Smith Jerrod, the one man whose sincerity got to Samantha. He reprised the role in 2008's Sex and the City: The Movie and its 2010 sequel.[citation needed]
Lewis has appeared in several films: My Bollywood Bride, a Hollywood/Bollywood romantic comedy where Lewis plays the leading man opposite Bollywood actress Kashmira Shah, and Mr. Brooks, a thriller, where he plays opposite Demi Moore and Kevin Costner. He is also known in Europe for playing the hunk on the Aero Advert for Aero Bubbles.[citation needed]
After appearing on The WB's supernatural drama Charmed, where he played the recurring role of Dex Lawson, a love interest (and brief husband) of Phoebe Halliwell (Alyssa Milano), it was announced on December 5, 2006, that he would guest-star on episodes of Brothers & Sisters as a possible love interest to Matthew Rhys' character Kevin Walker. He signed on to do seven episodes to play Chad Barry, a closeted gay soap opera actor who finds it difficult trying to develop a relationship with Kevin while keeping his sexuality secret from the Hollywood press.[3] He reprised the role in an episode in April 2009. He also played a soap opera actor on two episodes of House. Lewis appears and is highlighted on the cover in the limited-edition coffee table book About Face, shot by celebrity photographer John Russo and published by Pixie Press Worldwide.[4]
Lewis is a supporter of the LGBT community. On May 10, 2008, he attended the 19th GLAAD Media Awards, a ceremony that celebrates gay-friendly actors and actresses as well as media outlets.[5]
Lewis appeared in the How I Met Your Mother episode "The Wedding Bride" as a star in a fictional film within the show.[6] He starred in the 2011 Canadian film Textuality. In addition, he appeared as Pete in the Israeli television show, Be With Her. He recently starred as Christopher Dollanganger in If There Be Thorns and Seeds of Yesterday, the third and fourth films of the Flowers in the Attic TV film series based on the Dollanganger novel series by V.C. Andrews.
Filmography[edit]
Film
Year
Title
Role
Notes
1998 Next Stop Wonderland Rory
1999 Kimberly Scott
2000 King's Guard, TheThe King's Guard William
2001 Elite, TheThe Elite Jason
2004 Vision, TheThe Vision Blake Short film
2005 Jacket, TheThe Jacket Officer Harrison
2006 My Bollywood Bride Alex Kincade
2006 For One Night Mark Manning Television film
2007 Lucifer Lucifer Short film
2007 Mr. Brooks Jesse Vialo
2007 Death and Life of Bobby Z, TheThe Death and Life of Bobby Z Bobby Z
2007 Deadbox Aaron
2008 Attic, TheThe Attic John Trevor Direct-to-video
2008 Sex and the City Smith Jerrod
2009 Tribute Ford Sawyer Television film
2009 So che ritornerai Tom Television film
2010 Sex and the City 2 Smith Jerrod
2011 Textuality Breslin
2013 Pardon, TheThe Pardon Cowboy
2017 Running Wild Brannon Bratt Completed
2017 Palm Swings Lance
2018 Half Magic Post-production
Television
Year
Title
Role
Notes
1995 High Sierra Search and Rescue Flynn Norstedt 6 episodes
1997 Beverly Hills, 90210 Rob Andrews 4 episodes
2003–2004 Sex and the City Jerry "Smith" Jerrod 16 episodes
2003 CSI: Miami Jimmy Hutton Episode: "Grand Prix"
2005 Charmed Dex Lawson 6 episodes
2006 Evidence, TheThe Evidence Inspector Rourke/Officer Rourke 2 episodes
2007, 2009 Brothers & Sisters Chad Barry 8 episodes
2007 Six Degrees Todd Episode: "Get a Room"
2008 House Evan Greer/Dr. Brock Sterling 2 episodes (1 uncredited)
2008 Mogli a pezzi Elvio Giorgi Main cast
2008 CSI: Crime Scene Investigation Craig Hess Episode: "Let It Bleed"
2009 Eastmans, TheThe Eastmans Rick Green Unsold CBS pilot
2009 Rick & Steve: The Happiest Gay Couple in All the World Manfred Dax (voice) Episode: "The Only Straight in the Village"
2010 How I Met Your Mother Movie Tony Episode: "The Wedding Bride"
2011 Love Bites N/A Unaired pilot
2012 Watson & Oliver Various Episode #1.1
2013 Hit the Floor Benny Episode: "Turnover"
2014 Be With Her Pete Evans Episode #10, Israeli TV show
2015 If There Be Thorns Christopher Dollanganger Lifetime Original Movie
2015 Seeds of Yesterday Christopher Dollanganger Lifetime Original Movie
2017 Midnight, Texas Joe Strong Main cast
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Hancock, Louise (September 21, 2003). "Our lad's ABSOLUTEly Fab". Sunday Mirror. Archived from the original on November 17, 2007.
Jump up ^ [1] Archived October 3, 2011, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ [2] Archived September 29, 2012, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "The Education Press: Presenting News About Worldwide Education". Pixiepressworldwide.com. Archived from the original on November 7, 2015. Retrieved January 12, 2016.
Jump up ^ [3] Archived January 30, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "How I Met Your Mother Taps Malin Akerman, Jason Lewis, Chris Kattan". TVGuide.com.
External links[edit]
Jason Lewis on IMDb
Men's Fitness interview
Authority control
WorldCat Identities
VIAF: 76048322
LCCN: no2005049276
ISNI: 0000 0001 2018 3287
GND: 1013086791
NLA: 41897987
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Jason_Lewis_(actor)&oldid=818501484"
Categories:
1971 births
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