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Georgian architecture
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For the unrelated architecture of the country Georgia, see Architecture of Georgia (country).
Middle-class house in Salisbury cathedral close, England, with minimal classical detail.
Very grand terrace houses at The Circus, Bath (1754), with basement "areas" and a profusion of columns.
Function rules at Massachusetts Hall at Harvard University, 1718-20
Georgian architecture is the name given in most English-speaking countries to the set of architectural styles current between 1714 and 1830. It is eponymous for the first four British monarchs of the House of Hanover—George I, George II, George III, and George IV—who reigned in continuous succession from August 1714 to June 1830. The style was revived in the late 19th century in the United States as Colonial Revival architecture and in the early 20th century in Great Britain as Neo-Georgian architecture; in both it is also called Georgian Revival architecture. In the United States the term "Georgian" is generally used to describe all buildings from the period, regardless of style; in Britain it is generally restricted to buildings that are "architectural in intention",[1] and have stylistic characteristics that are typical of the period, though that covers a wide range.
The Georgian style is highly variable, but marked by symmetry and proportion based on the classical architecture of Greece and Rome, as revived in Renaissance architecture. Ornament is also normally in the classical tradition, but typically restrained, and sometimes almost completely absent on the exterior. The period brought the vocabulary of classical architecture to smaller and more modest buildings than had been the case before, replacing English vernacular architecture (or becoming the new vernacular style) for almost all new middle-class homes and public buildings by the end of the period.
Georgian architecture is characterized by its proportion and balance; simple mathematical ratios were used to determine the height of a window in relation to its width or the shape of a room as a double cube. Regularity, as with ashlar (uniformly cut) stonework, was strongly approved, imbuing symmetry and adherence to classical rules: the lack of symmetry, where Georgian additions were added to earlier structures remaining visible, was deeply felt as a flaw, at least before Nash began to introduce it in a variety of styles.[2] Regularity of housefronts along a street was a desirable feature of Georgian town planning. Until the start of the Gothic Revival in the early 19th century, Georgian designs usually lay within the Classical orders of architecture and employed a decorative vocabulary derived from ancient Rome or Greece.
Contents
[hide]
1 Characteristics
2 Styles
3 Types of buildings
3.1 Houses
3.2 Churches
3.3 Public buildings
4 Colonial Georgian architecture
5 Post-Georgian developments
6 Gallery
7 See also
8 Notes
9 References
10 Further reading
Characteristics[edit]
In towns, which expanded greatly during the period, landowners turned into property developers, and rows of identical terraced houses became the norm.[3] Even the wealthy were persuaded to live in these in town, especially if provided with a square of garden in front of the house. There was an enormous amount of building in the period, all over the English-speaking world, and the standards of construction were generally high. Where they have not been demolished, large numbers of Georgian buildings have survived two centuries or more, and they still form large parts of the core of cities such as London, Edinburgh, Dublin, Newcastle upon Tyne and Bristol.
The period saw the growth of a distinct and trained architectural profession; before the mid-century "the high-sounding title, 'architect' was adopted by anyone who could get away with it".[4] This contrasted with earlier styles, which were primarily disseminated among craftsmen through the direct experience of the apprenticeship system. But most buildings were still designed by builders and landlords together, and the wide spread of Georgian architecture, and the Georgian styles of design more generally, came from dissemination through pattern books and inexpensive suites of engravings. Authors such as the prolific William Halfpenny (active 1723–1755) published editions in America as well as Britain.
A similar phenomenon can be seen in the commonality of housing designs in Canada and the United States (though of a wider variety of styles) from the 19th century down to the 1950s, using pattern books drawn up by professional architects that were distributed by lumber companies and hardware stores to contractors and homebuilders.[5]
From the mid-18th century, Georgian styles were assimilated into an architectural vernacular that became part and parcel of the training of every architect, designer, builder, carpenter, mason and plasterer, from Edinburgh to Maryland.[6]
Styles[edit]
Georgian succeeded the English Baroque of Sir Christopher Wren, Sir John Vanbrugh, Thomas Archer, William Talman, and Nicholas Hawksmoor; this in fact continued into at least the 1720s, overlapping with a more restrained Georgian style. The architect James Gibbs was a transitional figure, his earlier buildings are Baroque, reflecting the time he spent in Rome in the early 18th century, but he adjusted his style after 1720.[7] Major architects to promote the change in direction from baroque were Colen Campbell, author of the influential book Vitruvius Britannicus (1715–1725); Richard Boyle, 3rd Earl of Burlington and his protégé William Kent; Isaac Ware; Henry Flitcroft and the Venetian Giacomo Leoni, who spent most of his career in England.
Palladian grandeur; Stowe House by William Kent
Other prominent architects of the early Georgian period include James Paine, Robert Taylor, and John Wood, the Elder. The European Grand Tour became very common for wealthy patrons in the period, and Italian influence remained dominant,[8] though at the start of the period Hanover Square, Westminster (1713 on), developed and occupied by Whig supporters of the new dynasty, seems to have deliberately adopted German stylisic elements in their honour, especially vertical bands connecting the windows.[9]
The styles that resulted fall within several categories. In the mainstream of Georgian style were both Palladian architecture—and its whimsical alternatives, Gothic and Chinoiserie, which were the English-speaking world's equivalent of European Rococo. From the mid-1760s a range of Neoclassical modes were fashionable, associated with the British architects Robert Adam, James Gibbs, Sir William Chambers, James Wyatt, George Dance the Younger, Henry Holland and Sir John Soane. John Nash was one of the most prolific architects of the late Georgian era known as The Regency style, he was responsible for designing large areas of London.[10] Greek Revival architecture was added to the repertory, beginning around 1750, but increasing in popularity after 1800. Leading exponents were William Wilkins and Robert Smirke.
In Britain brick or stone are almost invariably used;[11] brick is often disguised with stucco. In America and other colonies wood remained very common, as its availability and cost-ratio with the other materials was more favourable. Raked roofs were mostly covered in earthenware tiles until Richard Pennant, 1st Baron Penrhyn led the development of the slate industry in Wales from the 1760s, which by the end of the century had become the usual material.[12]
Types of buildings[edit]
Houses[edit]
Westover Plantation - Georgian country house on a plantation on the James River in Virginia
Versions of revived Palladian architecture dominated English country house architecture. Houses were increasingly placed in grand landscaped settings, and large houses were generally made wide and relatively shallow, largely to look more impressive from a distance. The height was usually highest in the centre, and the Baroque emphasis on corner pavilions often found on the continent generally avoided. In grand houses, an entrance hall led to steps up to a piano nobile or mezzanine floor where the main reception rooms were. Typically the basement area or "rustic", with kitchens, offices and service areas, as well as male guests with muddy boots,[13] came some way above ground, and was lit by windows that were high on the inside, but just above ground level outside. A single block was typical, with perhaps a small court for carriages at the front marked off by railings and a gate, but rarely a stone gatehouse, or side wings around the court.
Windows in all types of buildings were large and regularly placed on a grid; this was partly to minimize window tax, which was in force throughout the period in the United Kingdom. Some windows were subsequently bricked-in. Their height increasingly varied between the floors, and they increasingly began below waist-height in the main rooms, making a small balcony desirable. Before this the internal plan and function of the rooms can generally not be deduced from the outside. To open these large windows the sash window, already developed by the 1670s, became very widespread.[14] Corridor plans became universal inside larger houses.[15]
Internal courtyards became more rare, except beside the stables, and the functional parts of the building were placed at the sides, or in separate buildings nearby hidden by trees. The views to and from the front and rear of the main block were concentrated on, with the side approaches usually much less important. The roof was typically invisible from the ground, though domes were sometimes visible in grander buildings. The roofline was generally clear of ornament except for a balustrade or the top of a pediment.[16] Columns or pilasters, often topped by a pediment, were popular for ornament inside and out,[17] and other ornament was generally geometrical or plant-based, rather than using the human figure.
Grand Neoclassical interior by Robert Adam, Syon House, London
Inside ornament was far more generous, and could sometimes be overwhelming.[18] The chimneypiece continued to be the usual main focus of rooms, and was now given a classical treatment, and increasingly topped by a painting or a mirror.[19] Plasterwork ceilings,[20] carved wood, and bold schemes of wallpaint formed a backdrop to increasingly rich collections of furniture, paintings, porcelain, mirrors, and objets d'art of all kinds.[21] Wood-panelling, very common since about 1500, fell from favour around the mid-century, and wallpaper included very expensive imports from China.[22]
Smaller houses in the country, such as vicarages, were simple regular blocks with visible raked roofs, and a central doorway, often the only ornamented area. Similar houses, often referred to as "villas" became common around the fringes of the larger cities, especially London,[23] and detached houses in towns remained common, though only the very rich could afford them in central London.
In towns even most better-off people lived in terraced houses, which typically opened straight onto the street, often with a few steps up to the door. There was often an open space, protected by iron railings, dropping down to the basement level, with a discreet entrance down steps off the street for servants and deliveries; this is known as the "area".[24] This meant that the ground floor front was now removed and protected from the street and encouraged the main reception rooms to move there from the floor above. Where, as often, a new street or set of streets was developed, the road and pavements were raised up, and the gardens or yards behind the houses at a lower level, usually representing the original one.[25]
Town terraced houses for all social classes remained resolutely tall and narrow, each dwelling occupying the whole height of the building. This contrasted with well-off continental dwellings, which had already begun to be formed of wide apartments occupying only one or two floors of a building; such arrangements were only typical in England when housing groups of batchelors, as in Oxbridge colleges, the lawyers in the Inns of Court or The Albany after it was converted in 1802.[26] In the period in question, only in Edinburgh were working-class purpose-built tenements common, though lodgers were common in other cities. A curving crescent, often looking out at gardens or a park, was popular for terraces where space allowed. In early and central schemes of development, plots were sold and built on individually, though there was often an attempt to enforce some uniformity,[27] but as development reached further out schemes were increasingly built as a uniform scheme and then sold.[28]
St Martin-in-the-Fields, London (1720), James Gibbs
The courtyard of Somerset House, from the North Wing entrance. Built for government offices.
The late Georgian period saw the birth of the semi-detached house, planned systematically, as a suburban compromise between the terraced houses of the city and the detached "villas" further out, where land was cheaper. There had been occasional examples in town centres going back to medieval times. Most early suburban examples are large, and in what are now the outer fringes of Central London, but were then in areas being built up for the first time. Blackheath, Chalk Farm and St John's Wood are among the areas contesting being the original home of the semi.[29] Sir John Summerson gave primacy to the Eyre Estate of St John's Wood. A plan for this exists dated 1794, where "the whole development consists of pairs of semi-detached houses, So far as I know, this is the first recorded scheme of the kind". In fact the French Wars put an end to this scheme, but when the development was finally built it retained the semi-detached form, "a revolution of striking significance and far-reaching effect".[30]
Churches[edit]
Until the Church Building Act of 1818, the period saw relatively few churches built in Britain, which was already well-supplied,[31] although in the later years of the period the demand for Non-conformist and Roman Catholic places of worship greatly increased.[32] Anglican churches that were built were designed internally to allow maximum audibility, and visibility, for preaching, so the main nave was generally wider and shorter than in medieval plans, and often there were no side-aisles. Galleries were common in new churches. Especially in country parishes, the external appearance generally retained the familiar signifiers of a Gothic church, with a tower or spire, a large west front with one or more doors, and very large windows along the nave, but all with any ornament drawn from the classical vocabulary. Where funds permitted, a classical temple portico with columns and a pediment might be used at the west front. Decoration inside was very limited, but churches filled up with monuments to the prosperous.[33]
In the colonies new churches were certainly required, and generally repeated similar formulae. British Non-conformist churches were often more classical in mood, and tended not to feel the need for a tower or steeple.
The archetypical Georgian church is St Martin-in-the-Fields in London (1720), by Gibbs, who boldly added to the classical temple façade at the west end a large steeple on top of a tower, set back slightly from the main frontage. This formula shocked purists and foreigners, but became accepted and was very widely copied, at home and in the colonies,[34] for example at St Andrew's Church, Chennai in India.
The 1818 Act allocated some public money for new churches required to reflect changes in population, and a commission to allocate it. Building of Commissioners' churches gathered pace in the 1820s, and continued until the 1850s. The early churches, falling into the Georgian period, show a high proportion of Gothic Revival buildings, along with the classically inspired.[35]
Public buildings[edit]
Public buildings generally varied between the extremes of plain boxes with grid windows and Italian Late Renaissance palaces, depending on budget. Somerset House in London, designed by Sir William Chambers in 1776 for government offices, was as magnificent as any country house, though never quite finished, as funds ran out.[36] Barracks and other less prestigious buildings could be as functional as the mills and factories that were growing increasingly large by the end of the period. But as the period came to an end many commercial projects were becoming sufficiently large, and well-funded, to become "architectural in intention", rather than having their design left to the lesser class of "surveyors".[37]
Colonial Georgian architecture[edit]
See also: Federal style architecture
Hyde Park Barracks (1819) Georgian architecture in Sydney
Georgian architecture was widely disseminated in the English colonies during the Georgian era. American buildings of the Georgian period were very often constructed of wood with clapboards; even columns were made of timber, framed up, and turned on an oversized lathe. At the start of the period the difficulties of obtaining and transporting brick or stone made them a common alternative only in the larger cities, or where they were obtainable locally. Dartmouth College, Harvard University, and the College of William and Mary, offer leading examples of Georgian architecture in the Americas.
Unlike the Baroque style that it replaced, which was mostly used for palaces and churches, and had little representation in the British colonies, simpler Georgian styles were widely used by the upper and middle classes. Perhaps the best remaining house is the pristine Hammond-Harwood House (1774) in Annapolis, Maryland, designed by the colonial architect William Buckland and modelled on the Villa Pisani at Montagnana, Italy as depicted in Andrea Palladio's I quattro libri dell'architettura ("Four Books of Architecture").
After independence, in the former American colonies, Federal style architecture represented the equivalent of Regency architecture, with which it had much in common.
Post-Georgian developments[edit]
See also: Colonial Revival architecture
Georgian-style Governors Hall building at St. Francis Xavier University, in Canada, completed in 2006.
After about 1840, Georgian conventions were slowly abandoned as a number of revival styles, including Gothic Revival, that had originated in the Georgian period, developed and contested in Victorian architecture, and in the case of Gothic became better researched, and closer to their originals. Neoclassical architecture remained popular, and was the opponent of Gothic in the Battle of the Styles of the early Victorian period. In the United States the Federalist Style contained many elements of Georgian style, but incorporated revolutionary symbols.
In the early decades of the twentieth century when there was a growing nostalgia for its sense of order, the style was revived and adapted and in the United States came to be known as the Colonial Revival. In Canada the United Empire Loyalists embraced Georgian architecture as a sign of their fealty to Britain, and the Georgian style was dominant in the country for most of the first half of the 19th century. The Grange, for example, a manor built in Toronto, was built in 1817. In Montreal, English born architect John Ostell worked on a significant number of remarkable constructions in the Georgian style such as the Old Montreal Custom House and the Grand séminaire de Montréal.
The revived Georgian style that emerged in Britain at the beginning of the 20th century is usually referred to as Neo-Georgian; the work of Edwin Lutyens includes many examples. Versions of the Neo-Georgian style were commonly used in Britain for certain types of urban architecture until the late 1950s, Bradshaw Gass & Hope's Police Headquarters in Salford of 1958 being a good example. In both the United States and Britain, the Georgian style is still employed by architects like Quinlan Terry Julian Bicknell and Fairfax and Sammons for private residences.
Gallery[edit]
Ditchley House in Oxfordshire, a typical country house. James Gibbs, 1722
Sutton Lodge, Sutton, London, once used by the Prince Regent, George IV of the United Kingdom[38]
Connecticut Hall at Yale University (1750)
Kedleston Hall by Matthew Brettingham and Robert Adam, begun 1769, a large English country house
One of Robert Adam's masterpieces, in a largely Georgian setting: Pulteney Bridge, Bath, 1774
Georgian period townhouses in Newtown Pery, Limerick, Ireland, after 1769
18th Century view of the Royal Exchange, Dublin; one of "Malton's views of Dublin", 1779
Carpenters' Hall in Philadelphia by Robert Smith, 1775 example of American colonial architecture
A former guildhall in Dunfermline, Scotland built around 1807 and 1811
Eastern side of Bryanston Square, London, with its gardens. 1810-15
Late Georgian Regency; the west curve of Park Crescent, London, by John Nash, 1806–21
See also[edit]
Golden ratio
Jamaican Georgian architecture
Clifton, Bristol
Georgian Dublin
Grainger Town, Newcastle upon Tyne
New Town, Edinburgh, an 18th and 19th-century development that contains some of the largest surviving examples of Georgian-style architecture and layout.
Newtown Pery, Limerick
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ A phrase used by John Summerson, distinguishing among commercial buildings, Summerson, 252
Jump up ^ Musson, 33–34, 52–53
Jump up ^ Summerson, 26–28, 73–86
Jump up ^ Summerson, 47–49, 47 quoted
Jump up ^ Reiff, Daniel D. (2001). Houses from Books. University Park, Pa.: Penn State University Press. ISBN 9780271019437. Retrieved 28 February 2017.
Jump up ^ Summerson, 49–51; The Center for Palladian Studies in America, Inc., "Palladio and Patternbooks in Colonial America."
Jump up ^ Summerson, 61–70, and see index
Jump up ^ Jenkins (2003), xiv; Musson, 31
Jump up ^ Summerson, 73–74
Jump up ^ Summerson, see index on all these; Jenkins (2003), xv–xiv; Musson, 28–35
Jump up ^ Summerson, 54–56
Jump up ^ Summerson, 55
Jump up ^ Musson, 31; Jenkins (2003), xiv
Jump up ^ Musson, 73-76; Summerson, 46
Jump up ^ Bannister Fletcher, 420
Jump up ^ Musson, 51; Bannister Fletcher, 420
Jump up ^ Bannister Fletcher, 420
Jump up ^ Jenkins (2003), xv; Musson, 31
Jump up ^ Musson, 84–87
Jump up ^ Musson, 113–116
Jump up ^ Jenkins (2003), xv
Jump up ^ Musson, 101–106
Jump up ^ Summerson, 266–269
Jump up ^ Summerson, 44–45
Jump up ^ Summerson, 44–45
Jump up ^ Summerson, 45
Jump up ^ Summerson, 73–86
Jump up ^ Summerson, 147–191
Jump up ^ correspondence in The Guardian
Jump up ^ Summerson, 159-160
Jump up ^ Summerson, 57–72, 206–224; Jenkins (1999), xxii
Jump up ^ Summerson, 222–224
Jump up ^ Jenkins (1999), xx–xxii
Jump up ^ Summerson, 64–70
Jump up ^ Summerson, 212-221
Jump up ^ Summerson, 115–120
Jump up ^ Summerson, 47, 252–262, 252 quoted
Jump up ^ Sutton Lodge Day Centre website
References[edit]
Bannister, Fletcher and Sir Banister Fletcher, A History of Architecture, 1901 edn., Batsford
Esher, Lionel, The Glory of the English House, 1991, Barrie and Jenkins, ISBN 0712636137
Jenkins, Simon (1999), England's Thousand Best Churches, 1999, Allen Lane, ISBN 0-7139-9281-6
Jenkins, Simon (2003), England's Thousand Best Houses, 2003, Allen Lane, ISBN 0-7139-9596-3
Musson, Jeremy, How to Read a Country House, 2005, Ebury Press, ISBN 009190076X
Pevsner, Nikolaus. The Englishness of English Art, Penguin, 1964 edn.
Sir John Summerson, Georgian London, (1945), 1988 revised edition, Barrie & Jenkins, ISBN 0712620958. (Also see revised edition, edited by Howard Colvin, 2003)
Further reading[edit]
Georgian Residence in Pasadena by architect James V. Coane & Associates
Howard Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects, 3rd ed. 1995.
John Cornforth, Early Georgian Interiors, (Paul Mellon Centre) 2005.
James Stevens Curl, Georgian Architecture.
Patrizia Granziera, Freemasonic Symbolism and Georgian Gardens
Christopher Hussey, Early Georgian Houses,, Mid-Georgian Houses,, Late Georgian House,. Reissued in paperback, Antique Collectors Club, 1986.
Frank Jenkins, Architect and Patron 1961.
Barrington Kaye, The Development of the Architectural Profession in Britain 1960.
McAlester, Virginia & Lee, A Field Guide To American Houses 1996 ISBN 0-394-73969-8
Sir John Summerson, Architecture in Britain (series: Pelican History of Art) Reissued in paperback 1970
Richard Sammons, The Anatomy of the Georgian Room. Period Homes, March 2006.
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text:
Koch's postulates
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Robert Hermann Koch (11 December 1843 – 27 May 1910) was a German physician who developed Koch's postulates.[1]
Koch's postulates (/ˈkɔːx/)[2] are four criteria designed to establish a causative relationship between a microbe and a disease. The postulates were formulated by Robert Koch and Friedrich Loeffler in 1884, based on earlier concepts described by Jakob Henle,[3] and refined and published by Koch in 1890. Koch applied the postulates to describe the etiology of cholera and tuberculosis, but they have been controversially generalized to other diseases. These postulates were generated prior to understanding of modern concepts in microbial pathogenesis that cannot be examined using Koch's postulates, including viruses (which are obligate cellular parasites) or asymptomatic carriers. They have largely been supplanted by other criteria such as the Bradford Hill criteria for infectious disease causality in modern public health.
Contents
[hide]
1 The postulates
2 History
3 For the 21st century
4 See also
5 References
6 Further reading
The postulates[edit]
Koch's postulates of disease.
Koch's postulates are the following:
The microorganism must be found in abundance in all organisms suffering from the disease, but should not be found in healthy organisms.
The microorganism must be isolated from a diseased organism and grown in pure culture.
The cultured microorganism should cause disease when introduced into a healthy organism.
The microorganism must be reisolated from the inoculated, diseased experimental host and identified as being identical to the original specific causative agent.
However, Koch abandoned the universalist requirement of the first postulate altogether when he discovered asymptomatic carriers of cholera[4] and, later, of typhoid fever. Asymptomatic or subclinical infection carriers are now known to be a common feature of many infectious diseases, especially viruses such as polio, herpes simplex, HIV, and hepatitis C. As a specific example, all doctors and virologists agree that poliovirus causes paralysis in just a few infected subjects, and the success of the polio vaccine in preventing disease supports the conviction that the poliovirus is the causative agent.
The second postulate may also be suspended for certain microorganisms or entities that cannot (at the present time) be grown in pure culture.[5] Viruses also require host cells to grow and reproduce and therefore cannot be grown in pure cultures.
The third postulate specifies "should", not "must", because as Koch himself proved in regard to both tuberculosis and cholera,[6] not all organisms exposed to an infectious agent will acquire the infection. Noninfection may be due to such factors as general health and proper immune functioning; acquired immunity from previous exposure or vaccination; or genetic immunity, as with the resistance to malaria conferred by possessing at least one sickle cell allele.
There are a few other exceptions to Koch's postulates. A single pathogen can cause several disease conditions. Additionally, a single disease condition can be caused by several different microorganisms. Some pathogens can not be cultured in the lab, and some pathogens only cause disease in the human species. [7]
In summary, an infectious agent that satisfies Koch's postulates is necessary but not necessarily sufficient to cause a specific illness.
History[edit]
Koch's postulates were developed in the 19th century as general guidelines to identify pathogens that could be isolated with the techniques of the day.[8] Even in Koch's time, it was recognized that some infectious agents were clearly responsible for disease even though they did not fulfill all of the postulates.[4][6] Attempts to rigidly apply Koch's postulates to the diagnosis of viral diseases in the late 19th century, at a time when viruses could not be seen or isolated in culture, may have impeded the early development of the field of virology.[9][10] Koch's postulates have been recognized as largely obsolete by epidemiologists since the 1950s.[11][12] Therefore, while Koch's postulates retain historical importance and continue to inform the approach to microbiologic diagnosis, they are not routinely used to demonstrate causality.
Koch's postulates have also influenced scientists who examine microbial pathogenesis from a molecular point of view. In the 1980s, a molecular version of Koch's postulates was developed to guide the identification of microbial genes encoding virulence factors.[13]
That HIV causes AIDS does not follow from Koch's postulates[14], which may have supported HIV/AIDS denialism. Also Oncoviruses causing cancers does not follow Koch's postulates.[15]
For the 21st century[edit]
This section includes a list of references, but its sources remain unclear because it has insufficient inline citations. Please help to improve this section by introducing more precise citations. (January 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Koch’s postulates have played an important role in microbiology, yet they have major limitations. For example, Koch was well aware that in the case of cholera, the causal agent, Vibrio cholerae, could be found in both sick and healthy people, invalidating his first postulate. Furthermore, viral diseases were not yet discovered when Koch formulated his postulates, and there are many viruses that do not cause illness in all infected individuals, a requirement of the first postulate. Additionally, it was known through experimentation that H. pylori caused mild inflammation of the gastric lining when ingested. As evident as the inflammation was, it still did not immediately convince skeptics that H. pylori was associated with ulcers. Eventually, skeptics were silenced when a newly developed antibiotic treatment eliminated the bacteria and ultimately cured the disease. Contradictions and occurrences such as these have led many to believe that a fifth postulate may be required. If enacted, this postulate would state that sufficient microbial data should allow scientists to treat, cure, or prevent the particular disease.
More recently, modern nucleic acid-based microbial detection methods have made Koch’s original postulates even less relevant. These nucleic acid-based methods make it possible to identify microbes that are associated with a disease, but in many cases the microbes are uncultivable. Also, nucleic acid-based detection methods are very sensitive, and they can often detect the very low levels of viruses that are found in healthy people without disease.
The use of these new methods has led to revised versions of Koch’s postulates: Fredricks and Relman[16] have suggested the following set of Koch’s postulates for the 21st century:
A nucleic acid sequence belonging to a putative pathogen should be present in most cases of an infectious disease. Microbial nucleic acids should be found preferentially in those organs or gross anatomic sites known to be diseased, and not in those organs that lack pathology.
Fewer, or no, copies of pathogen-associated nucleic acid sequences should occur in hosts or tissues without disease.
With resolution of disease, the copy number of pathogen-associated nucleic acid sequences should decrease or become undetectable. With clinical relapse, the opposite should occur.
When sequence detection predates disease, or sequence copy number correlates with severity of disease or pathology, the sequence-disease association is more likely to be a causal relationship.
The nature of the microorganism inferred from the available sequence should be consistent with the known biological characteristics of that group of organisms.
Tissue-sequence correlates should be sought at the cellular level: efforts should be made to demonstrate specific in situ hybridization of microbial sequence to areas of tissue pathology and to visible microorganisms or to areas where microorganisms are presumed to be located.
These sequence-based forms of evidence for microbial causation should be reproducible.
These modifications are still controversial in that they do not account well for established disease associations, such as papillomavirus and cervical cancer, nor do they take into account prion diseases, which have no nucleic acid sequences of their own.
See also[edit]
Bradford Hill criteria
Causal inference
Mill's Methods
Molecular Koch's postulates
Willoughby D. Miller
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Koch, R. (1876). "Untersuchungen über Bakterien: V. Die Ätiologie der Milzbrand-Krankheit, begründet auf die Entwicklungsgeschichte des Bacillus anthracis" [Investigations into bacteria: V. The etiology of anthrax, based on the ontogenesis of Bacillus anthracis] (PDF). Cohns Beitrage zur Biologie der Pflanzen (in German). 2 (2): 277–310.
Jump up ^ "Koch". Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.
Jump up ^ Evans AS (October 1978). "Causation and disease: a chronological journey. The Thomas Parran Lecture". American Journal of Epidemiology. 108 (4): 249–58. PMID 727194.
^ Jump up to: a b Koch, R. (1893). "Ueber den augenblicklichen Stand der bakteriologischen Choleradiagnose" [About the instantaneous state of the bacteriological diagnosis of cholera]. Zeitschrift für Hygiene und Infektionskrankheiten (in German). 14: 319–38. doi:10.1007/BF02284324.
Jump up ^ Inglis TJ (November 2007). "Principia aetiologica: taking causality beyond Koch's postulates". Journal of Medical Microbiology. 56 (Pt 11): 1419–22. PMID 17965339. doi:10.1099/jmm.0.47179-0.
^ Jump up to: a b Koch Robert (1884). "2 Die Aetiologie der Tuberkulose". Mitt Kaiser Gesundh. pp. 1–88.
Jump up ^ Slonczewski, Joan; Foster, John (2011). Microbiology An Evolving Science Second Edition. New York, N.Y.: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. pp. 20–22. ISBN 978-0-393-93447-2.
Jump up ^ Walker L, Levine H, Jucker M (2006). "Koch's postulates and infectious proteins.". Acta Neuropathol. 112 (1): 1–4. PMID 16703338. doi:10.1007/s00401-006-0072-x.
Jump up ^ Brock TD (1999). Robert Koch: a life in medicine and bacteriology. Washington DC: American Society of Microbiology Press. ISBN 1-55581-143-4. [page needed]
Jump up ^ Evans AS (May 1976). "Causation and disease: the Henle-Koch postulates revisited". Yale J Biol Med. 49 (2): 175–95. PMC 2595276  . PMID 782050.
Jump up ^ Huebner, Robert J. (April 1957). "Criteria for etiologic association of prevalent viruses with prevalent diseases; the virologist's dilemma". Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. 67 (8): 430–8. Bibcode:1957NYASA..67..430H. PMID 13411978. doi:10.1111/j.1749-6632.1957.tb46066.x.
Jump up ^ Evans AS (December 1995). "Causation and disease: a chronological journey. The Thomas Parran Lecture. 1978". American Journal of Epidemiology. 142 (11): 1126–35; discussion 1125. PMID 7485059.
Jump up ^ Falkow S (1988). "Molecular Koch's postulates applied to microbial pathogenicity". Rev. Infect. Dis. 10 (Suppl 2): S274–6. PMID 3055197. doi:10.1093/cid/10.Supplement_2.S274.
Jump up ^ Weiss, Robin A.; Jaffe, Harold W. (1990). "Duesberg, HIV and AIDS". Nature. 345 (6277): 659–60. Bibcode:1990Natur.345..659W. PMID 2163025. doi:10.1038/345659a0.
Jump up ^ Moore, Patrick S.; Chang, Yuan (2013). "The conundrum of causality in tumor virology: The cases of KSHV and MCV". Seminars in Cancer Biology. doi:10.1016/j.semcancer.2013.11.001.
Jump up ^ Fredericks DN, Relman DA (1996). "Sequence-based identification of microbial pathogens: a reconsideration of Koch's postulates". Clin Microbiol Rev. 9 (1): 18–33. PMC 172879  . PMID 8665474.
Further reading[edit]
http://ocp.hul.harvard.edu/contagion/koch.html
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text:
Black ice
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For other uses, see Black ice (disambiguation).
Warning sign for icy pavement in Quebec, Canada
Black ice, sometimes called clear ice, is a thin coating of glaze ice on a surface, especially on roads. The ice itself is not black, but visually transparent, allowing the often black road below to be seen through it. The typically low levels of noticeable ice pellets, snow, or sleet surrounding black ice means that areas of the ice are often practically invisible to drivers or people stepping on it. There is, thus, a risk of skidding and subsequent accident due to the unexpected loss of traction.
Contents
[hide]
1 Definitions
2 Formation
2.1 On roads and pavements
2.2 On bridges
2.2.1 Problems on I-35W Mississippi River bridge
2.3 On water
2.4 In mountains
3 See also
4 References
5 External links
Definitions[edit]
The term black ice in the United States is often incorrectly used to describe any type of ice that forms on roadways, even when standing water on roads turns to ice as the temperature falls below freezing. Correctly defined, black ice is formed on relatively dry roads, rendering it invisible to drivers. It occurs when in the textures present in all pavements very slightly below the top of the road surface contain water or moisture, thereby presenting a dry surface to tires until that water or moisture freezes and expands; drivers then find they are riding above the road surface on a honeycombed invisible sheet of ice.
Three other definitions of black ice by the World Meteorological Organization are:[1]
A thin ice layer on a fresh or salt water body which appears dark in colour because of its transparency;
A mariner's term for a dreaded form of icing sometimes sufficiently heavy to capsize a small ship;
Another term for ice on rocks in the mountains known equally as verglas (glaze ice).
Formation[edit]
On roads and pavements[edit]
The American Meteorological Society Glossary of Meteorology includes the definition of black ice as "a thin sheet of ice, relatively dark in appearance, [that] may form when light rain or drizzle falls on a road surface that is at a temperature below 0 °C (32 °F)."[2] Because it represents only a thin accumulation, black ice is highly transparent and thus difficult to see as compared with snow, frozen slush, or thicker ice layers. In addition, it often is interleaved with wet pavement, which is nearly identical in appearance. This makes driving, cycling or walking on affected surfaces extremely dangerous. Deicing with salt (sodium chloride) is effective down to temperatures of about −18 °C (0 °F). Other compounds such as magnesium chloride or calcium chloride have been used for very cold temperatures since the freezing-point depression of their solutions is lower.
At low temperatures (below −18 °C [0 °F]), black ice can form on roadways when the moisture from automobile exhaust condenses on the road surface.[3] Such conditions caused multiple accidents in Minnesota when the temperatures dipped below −18 °C (0 °F) for a prolonged period of time in mid-December 2008.[4] Salt's ineffectiveness at melting ice at these temperatures compounds the problem. Black ice may form even when the ambient temperature is several degrees above the freezing point of water 0 °C (32 °F), if the air warms suddenly after a prolonged cold spell that has left the surface of the roadway well below the freezing point temperature.
On December 1, 2013, heavy post-Thanksgiving weekend traffic encountered black ice on the westbound I-290 expressway in Worcester, Massachusetts. A chain reaction series of crashes resulted, involving three tractor-trailers and over 60 other vehicles. The ice formed suddenly on a long downward slope, surprising drivers coming over the crest of a hill, who could not see crashed vehicles ahead until it was too late to stop on the slick pavement.[5]
On bridges[edit]
Warning sign for bridge on US turnpike
Bridges and overpasses can be especially dangerous. Black ice forms first on bridges and overpasses because air can circulate both above and below the surface of the elevated roadway when the ambient temperature drops, causing the bridge pavement temperature to fall more rapidly.[6]
In the United States, road warning signs with the advisory "Bridge May Be Icy" indicate potentially dangerous roadways above bridge structures.
Similar road signs exists throughout Canada, but warnings sometimes appear without words to comply to bilingual requirements. The Canadian sign features a vehicle with skid marks and snow flakes. The same sign's official and undisclosed description is defined as "Pavement is slippery when wet".[7]
Additional signs may be attached with various different wording in Canadian provinces that do not have bilingual requirements:
Bridge Ices
Slippery When Wet
Road Ices
Slippery When Frosty
Icy Bridge Deck
Bridge Ices Before Road
Problems on I-35W Mississippi River bridge[edit]
See also: I-35W Mississippi River bridge
The I-35W Mississippi River bridge seen from below in 2006
The I-35W Mississippi River bridge in Minneapolis, Minnesota, was well known for its black ice before it collapsed in 2007 into the Mississippi River. It had caused several pileups during its 40-year life. On December 19, 1985, the temperature reached −34 °C (−29 °F). Cars crossing the bridge experienced black ice and there was a massive pile up of crashed vehicles on the bridge on the northbound side. In February and in December 1996, the bridge was identified as the single most treacherous cold-weather spot in the local freeway system, because of the almost frictionless thin layer of black ice that regularly formed when temperatures dropped below freezing. The bridge's proximity to Saint Anthony Falls contributed significantly to the icing problem and the site was noted for frequent spinouts and collisions.[8][9]
By January 1999, Mn/DOT began testing magnesium chloride solutions and a mixture of magnesium chloride and a corn-processing byproduct to see whether either would reduce the black ice that appeared on the bridge during the winter months.[10] In October 1999, the state embedded temperature-activated nozzles in the bridge deck to spray the bridge with potassium acetate solution to keep the area free of winter black ice.[11][12] The system came into operation in 2000.[13][14]
While the automated de-icing system prevented further major multi-vehicle collisions, it may have contributed to the collapse of the I-35W bridge, due to accelerated corrosion of the structure.[15]
On water[edit]
Main article: Congelation ice
Black ice on a canal in the Netherlands
When the temperature is below freezing and the wind is calm, such as under a high atmospheric pressure at night in the fall, a thin layer of ice will form over open water of a lake. If the depth of the body of water is large enough, its color is black and can be seen through the ice, thus the name black ice.
Ice can also be formed by seawater spray and water vapour freezing upon contact with a vessel's superstructure when temperature is low enough. Ice formed in this manner is known as rime.[16] As the formation progress, the aboveboard weight of the vessel increases and may ultimately cause capsizing. Furthermore, rime ice may impede the correct functioning of important navigational instruments on board, such as radar or radio installations. Different strategies for the removal of such ice are employed: chipping away the ice or even using fire hoses in an attempt to remove the ice.
In mountains[edit]
Main article: Glaze ice
Black ice is a great hazard for climbers and scramblers. Cold weather is common at high altitudes, and black ice quickly forms on rock surfaces. Loss of traction is as sudden and unexpected as on a pavement or road, but can be fatal if the rock is in an exposed position with a drop below. An ice-axe and crampons are essential use in such circumstances as they will help to prevent a fall, and a belay rope will help to arrest a fall.
See also[edit]
winter portal
Clear ice
Congelation ice
Freezing rain
Freezing-point depression
Glaze ice
Jumble ice
Road traffic accident
Sand
Sodium chloride
References[edit]
Jump up ^ World Meteorological Organization. "Black Ice". Eumetcal. Archived from the original on December 3, 2013. Retrieved November 28, 2013.
Jump up ^ "AMS Glossary: Black ice". Amsglossary.allenpress.com. Retrieved November 28, 2013.
Jump up ^ "Is there really such a thing as black ice?". Retrieved December 22, 2008.
Jump up ^ "Black ice causes treacherous driving conditions in metro". KARE 11 TV. Retrieved December 22, 2008. [permanent dead link]
Jump up ^ Abel, David (December 2, 2013). "On busy travel day, black ice led to massive pileup in Worcester". Boston Globe. Retrieved December 3, 2013.
Jump up ^ Jeffrey Selingo (December 13, 2001), "How it works: Black ice", The New York Times
Jump up ^ "Driver's Handbook". Retrieved December 23, 2016.
Jump up ^ Blake, Laurie. (February 3, 1996) Star Tribune February deep freeze. Black ice makes I-35W bridge treacherous. Section: news; Page 10A.
Jump up ^ von Sternberg, Bob. (December 27, 1996) Star Tribune Minnesota is one big deep freeze. What is the sound of a cold record shattering? It's the sound of silence from dead motors, of crumpling metal on icy roads, of resigned grumbling. But take heart — it will warm up. Section News; page 1A.
Jump up ^ Blake, Laurie. (January 21, 1999) Star Tribune State hopes to speed up north-metro lane project. But it clashes with Met Council over whether addition to interstate should be for car pools. Section news; Page 2B.
Jump up ^ Blake, Laurie. (October 19, 1999) Star Tribune I-35W bridge getting de-icer system. Unit will target ice before it can form. Section news; Page 1A.
Jump up ^ "I-35W & Mississippi River Bridge Anti-Icing Project" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on October 5, 2011.
Jump up ^ Blake, Laurie. (January 13, 2000) Star Tribune Met Council will survey our citizens' travel habits. Study will include trip numbers and times, speed of drivers and waits at ramp meters. Section news; Page 2B.
Jump up ^ Blake, Laurie. (February 3, 2000) Star Tribune Richfield may face traffic challenges; How will I-494 accommodate Best Buy's 5,000 commuters? Section news, page 2B.
Jump up ^ "De-Icing Chemical May Have Corroded 35W Bridge". Archived from the original on November 13, 2007. Retrieved September 10, 2007.
Jump up ^ National Weather Service. "Rime ice". NOAA. Retrieved November 28, 2013.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Black ice.
Look up black ice in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
Is there really such a thing as black ice?, from the Straight Dope staff
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Venus de' Medici
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The Venus de' Medici
The Venus de' Medici or Medici Venus is a[1] Hellenistic marble sculpture depicting the Greek goddess of love Aphrodite. It is a 1st-century BCE marble copy, perhaps made in Athens, of a bronze original Greek sculpture, following the type of the Aphrodite of Knidos,[2] which would have been made by a sculptor in the immediate Praxitelean tradition, perhaps at the end of the century. It has become one of the navigation points by which the progress of the Western classical tradition is traced, the references to it outline the changes of taste and the process of classical scholarship.[3] It is housed in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence, Italy.
Contents
[hide]
1 Origin
2 Discovery and display
3 The Metropolitan Museum's Aphrodite
4 Modern copies
5 Notes
6 References
7 External links
Origin[edit]
The goddess is depicted in a fugitive, momentary pose, as if surprised in the act of emerging from the sea, to which the dolphin at her feet alludes. The dolphin would not have been a necessary support for the bronze original.
It bears a Greek inscription CLEOMENES SON OF APOLLODORUS OF ATHENS on its base.[4] The inscription is not original, but in the 18th century the name "Cleomenes" was forged on sculptures of modest quality to enhance their value, while the inscription on the Venus de' Medici was doubted in order to ascribe the work to one of various highly-thought-of names: besides Praxiteles the less-likely names of Phidias or Scopas.[5] The restorations of the arms was made by Ercole Ferrata, who gave them long tapering Mannerist fingers that did not begin to be recognized as out of keeping with the sculpture until the 19th century.
The Venus de' Medici is the name piece under which are recognized many replicas and fragments of this particular version of Praxiteles' theme, which introduced the life size nude representation of Aphrodite. Though this particular variant is not identifiable in any extant literature, it must have been widely known to Greek and Roman connoisseurs. Among replicas and fragments of less importance,[6] the closest in character and finest in quality is a marble Aphrodite at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, described below.
Such sculptures are described as "Roman copies", with the understanding that these were produced, often by Greek sculptors, anywhere under Roman hegemony "say, between the dictatorship of Sulla and the removal of the Capital to Constantinople, 81 BCE to CE 330"[7] Their quality may vary from work produced by a fine sculptor for a discerning patron, to commonplace copies mass-produced for gardens.
Discovery and display[edit]
18th-century marble copy of the Venus de' Medici at Peterhof, St Petersburg
The origin of the Venus is undocumented: "its reputation seems to have grown up gradually," Francis Haskell and Nicholas Penny remarked. It was published in the collection at the Villa Medici, Rome, in 1638, given three plates in the anthology of the most noble sculptures that the ravages of time had spared in Rome compiled by François Perrier, Segmenta nobilia signorum et statuarum que temporis dentem invidium evase, Rome 1638.[8] The Venus was already known by 1559, it now appears, for a bronze reduction of it was among the series of the most famous Roman sculptures that were featured on a cabinet completed in that year; it was commissioned by Nicolò Orsini, conte di Pitigliano, as a gift to Philip II of Spain: the sculptures were by the Dutch sculptor trained in Benvenuto Cellini's atelier, Willem van Tetrode, called Guglielmo Fiammingo in Italy.[9]
Detail of John Zoffany's 1772 painting The Tribuna of the Uffizi (now in the Royal Collection), showing the Venus (right) on show in the Tribuna, surrounded by English and Italian connoisseurs.
Though visitors to Rome like John Evelyn found it "a miracle of art", it was sent to Florence in August 1677, its export permitted by Innocent XI because, it was thought, it stimulated lewd behavior. In the Tribuna of the Uffizi it was a high point of the Grand Tour and was universally esteemed as one of the half-dozen finest antique statues to have survived, until a reaction in taste began to set in during the 19th century, in the form of a few dissenting voices (Haskell and Penny p. 325).[10] Luca Giordano made hundreds of drawings of it, Samuel Rogers made daily appointments with it, Zoffany included it in his 1778 Tribuna of the Uffizi, and Lord Byron devoted five stanzas of Childe Harold to describing it. It was one of the precious works of art shipped to Palermo in 1800 to escape the French, to no avail: such diplomatic pressure was brought to bear that the Vénus de Medicis was shipped to Paris in 1803. After Napoleon's fall it arrived back in Florence on 27 December 1815.
The Metropolitan Museum's Aphrodite[edit]
The marble Aphrodite at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,[11] is a close replica of the Venus de' Medici.[12] The pose of the head is not in doubt, for it did not break off when other breaks occurred, in which the arms were irrevocably lost. On the plinth is the left foot, with part of the dolphin-and-tree-trunk support, and a trace of the missing right foot, restored by a cast, for the sculpture was in two sections, which were joined by casts taken of the Venus de' Medici's lower legs. For dating the replicas, attention is focused on the minor details of the dolphins that were added by the copyists, in which stylistic conventions come to the fore: the Metropolitan dates its Aphrodite of the Medici type to the Augustan period.
The Metropolitan Aphrodite was in the collection of Count von Harbuval genammt Chamaré in Silesia,[13] whose progenitor Count Schlabrendorf made the Grand Tour and corresponded with Johann Joachim Winckelmann.
Watelet confronts the Venus de' Medici, ca. 1765.
Modern copies[edit]
The Medici Venus is one of the most-copied antiquities. Louis XIV had no less than five, marbles by Carlier, Clérion, Coysevox and Frémery, and a bronze by the Keller brothers. (Haskell and Penny, p. 325). In lead, copies of the Venus de' Medici stand in many English and European gardens, sometimes protected by small temples; in small bronze reductions it figured among the most familiar of the antiquities represented in collectors' cabinets: in Greuze's portrait of Claude-Henri Watelet, ca 1763–65, the connoisseur and author of L'Art de peindre is shown with calipers and a notebook, regarding a bronze statuette of the Venus de' Medici, as if in the act of deducing the ideal proportions of the female figure from the sculpture's example. The Venus de' Medici was even reproduced in Sèvres biscuit porcelain, which had the matte whiteness of marble.
American sculptor Hiram Powers based his 1844 statue The Greek Slave on the Venus de' Medici.
Is also possible to see a replica in white Carrara Marble of the Venus' hand carved by Niccolò Bazzanti of Pietro Bazzanti e Figlio Art Gallery of Florence at Museo Civico Revoltella, Trieste.[14]
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Height 1.53m
Jump up ^ Mansuelli
Jump up ^ This general theme is the subject of Francis Haskell and Nicholas Penny, Taste and the Antique: The Lure of Classical Sculpture 1500–1900 (Yale University Press) 1981.
Jump up ^ Beard, Mary, and Henderson, John. Classical Art: From Greece to Rome. Oxford University Press, 2001. p. 117. ISBN 0-19-284237-4
Jump up ^ Haskell and Penny p. 326.
Jump up ^ A list was given in B.M. Felleti-Maj, in Archaeologica Classica 3 (1951).
Jump up ^ Christine Alexander, "A Statue of Aphrodite" The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin New Series, 11.9 (May, 1953 pp. 241-251) p 245.
Jump up ^ Noted in Haskell and Penny 1981:325.
Jump up ^ Eleven of the sculptures from the lost cabinet, including the reduction of the Venus de' Medici, were reunited in the exhibition, "Willem van Tetrode" Rijksmuseum and Frick Collection, New York, 2003 (Press release Archived 25 July 2008 at the Wayback Machine.).
Jump up ^ The twentieth-century recovery from shipwreck sites in the Mediterranean of Classical and Hellenistic Greek bronzes, made possible by scuba equipment, has resulted in a reappraisal of what constitute the finest survivals.
Jump up ^ Acc. no. 52,11.5.
Jump up ^ "In their main dimensions and in many details the two measure out the same within small fractions of an inch" (Alexander 1953:251)
Jump up ^ Possibly Nové Hrady
Jump up ^ Masau, Maria (1996). Pasquale Revoltella, 1795–1869: sogno e consapevolezza del cosmopolitismo triestino.
References[edit]
Francis Haskell and Nicholas Penny, Taste and the Antique: The Lure of Classical Sculpture 1500–1900 (Yale University Press) 1981
Guido Mansuelli, Galleria degli Uffizi: Le Sculture (Rome) 2 vols. 1958–61, vol. I, pp. 71–73.
External links[edit]
Media related to Venus de' Medici at Wikimedia Commons
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