David Sole chaired business bid specialist ramps up headcount and revenues
by Scott ReidAM Bid, the business bid specialist chaired by Scots rugby legend David Sole, has continued to grow its headcount as it cheers its fifth year of trading with a further hike in turnover.
Revenues for the year to the end of September rose £169,000 to sit at £898,000, an increase of 23 per cent, the firm said today.
Staff numbers continued to grow with 12 employees now based in Scotland and England. There is also a pool of 25 experienced “bidding associates” located throughout the UK and Ireland who provide increased capacity during busy periods.
The firm said its progress had been achieved with no external financing while the business remains debt free.
During the financial year, the firm saw continued governance via the board which is led by Sole in the non-executive chairman’s role. The past year also saw the establishment of a senior management team with the appointment of an additional two senior managers.
Andrew Morrison, the majority owner and managing director, said: “While there are continuing political and economic uncertainties around Brexit, the make-up of future UK governments which may either increase or decrease the amount of public sector tendering and the possibility of a second Scottish independence referendum, we remain of the view that the future for outsourced bidding services remains strong.
“As many organisations move away from direct employment of support services, including bidding, we see opportunities to grow our customer base.
“We are also further developing our services in both funding applications (assisting organisations to obtain external funding) and award submission writing.
“It is intended that Board level employee directors will be given the opportunity to purchase shares in the company providing the business with both additional capital for investment and greater long-term buy-in from business-critical senior executives."


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XLabs
Cross-platform reusable C# libraries
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Pretty Thread-Safe cache class from: http://code.google.com/p/dapper-dot-net/source/browse/Dapper/SqlMapper.cs More...
Static Public Member Functions | |
| static bool | TryGet (Link< TKey, TValue > link, TKey key, out TValue value) |
| static bool | TryAdd (ref Link< TKey, TValue > head, TKey key, ref TValue value) |
Properties | |
| TKey | Key [get] |
| TValue | Value [get] |
| Link< TKey, TValue > | Tail [get] |
Pretty Thread-Safe cache class from: http://code.google.com/p/dapper-dot-net/source/browse/Dapper/SqlMapper.cs
This is a micro-cache; suitable when the number of terms is controllable (a few hundred, for example), and strictly append-only; you cannot change existing values. All key matches are on REFERENCE equality. The type is fully thread-safe.
| TKey | : | class |
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Disabled flat button ]]>
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The mdl-buttob directive can also be used as a component. But in this case you are loosing the default html button behavior.
add ]]>
| Attribute | Description |
|---|---|
| disabled | disabled is a BooleanProperty - e.g. if present or value is true the button is disabled. If not present or the value is false the button is not disabled. |
| mdl-button-type |
Specifies how the button is rendered. Supported values:
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| mdl-colored |
Specifies wether the botton is colored and how the button is colored.
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| mdl-ripple | mdl-ripple is a BooleanProperty - e.g. if present or value is true the ripple effect is active. If not present or the value is false the ripple effect isn't active. |


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Bayern climb to second as Gladbach slip up in Berlin
by BeSoccerManagerless Bayern Munich went second in the Bundesliga on Saturday with a 4-0 romp at Fortuna Duesseldorf as leaders Borussia Moenchengladbach suffered a shock 2-0 defeat at Union Berlin.
Bayern's interim coach Hansi Flick enjoyed his third straight win since Niko Kovac was sacked earlier this month as Munich moved to within a point of Gladbach.
A top-of-the-table showdown beckons in a fortnight when Gladbach host Bayern at Borussia Park.
RB Leipzig can draw level on 24 points with Bayern if they win at home to strugglers Cologne later on Saturday evening.
Bayern routed Dusseldorf with goals by Philippe Coutinho, Serge Gnabry, Benjamin Pavard and Coretin Tolisso, with Robert Lewandowski failing to score in a league game for the first time this season and ending his record 11-match run.
However it was the Poland forward who forced a corner from which Pavard scored the opening goal after 11 minutes.
His France team-mate Tolisso then doubled the lead in the 27th minute after Duesseldorf's US international Zack Steffen surrendered possession.
Serge Gnabry, who scored a hat-trick in Germany's 6-1 thrashing of Northern Ireland in mid-week, continued his goal-scoring run when he was presented with a simple tap-in by Thomas Mueller seven minutes later.
Lewandowski turned provider again with the 70th-minute cross which Coutinho swept into the net to complete the rout.
Featured links
- The latest football transfers news and rumours
- Luis Enrique returns to Spain national team
- Mourinho replaces Pochettino at Tottenham
- Wales, golf, Madrid... in that order
In Berlin, Gladbach suffered their third defeat this season as they became the latest top six club to lose to Union.
Having already beaten Dortmund and Freiburg this season at their Alten Foersterei stadium, Union took the lead with 15 minutes gone when Nigeria striker Anthony Ujah headed home a cross.
Union ensured their fourth straight league win in stoppage time when winger Julian Ryerson floated in a cross, which deflected off a Gladbach defender to present Swedish striker Sebastian Andersson with an easy header to round off a fine win.
Schalke climbed to fourth as striker Benito Raman and midfielder Amine Harit scored their goals in a 2-1 win at Werder Bremen, whose Japanese striker Yuya Osako grabbed a late consolation.
Freiburg are third despite only drawing 1-1 at ninth-placed Leverkusen.
The visitors took the lead after only five minutes when forward Lucas Hoeler headed home at the far post after slipping his marker.
But France Under-21 striker Moussa Diaby levelled on his first start for Leverkusen since joining from Paris Saint-Germain when he slotted home from 20 metres out midway through the first half.
Despite playing with 10 men for the entire second-half, mid-table Wolfsburg managed a 2-0 win at Eintracht Frankfurt.
Their goals came from towering Dutch striker Wout Weghorst and Brazilian forward Joao Victor despite losing defender Marcel Tisserand at the end of the first-half for a second bookable offence.


At a 1991 conference at the Harvard Law School, where he was a tenured full professor, I heard the late, esteemed legal theorist, Derrick Bell, declare on a panel that blacks had made no progress since 1865. I was startled, not least because Bell’s own life, as well as the fact that Harvard’s black law students’ organization put on the conference, so emphatically belied his claim. I have since come to understand that those who make such claims experience no sense of contradiction because the contention that nothing has changed is intended actually as an assertion that racism persists as the most consequential force impeding black Americans’ aspirations, that no matter how successful or financially secure individual black people become, they remain similarly subject to victimization by racism.
That assertion is not to be taken literally as an empirical claim, even though many advancing it seem earnestly convinced that it is; it is rhetorical. No sane or at all knowledgeable person can believe that black Americans live under the same restricted and perilous conditions now as in 1865. The claim therefore carries a silent preface: “(This incident/phenomenon/pattern makes it seem as though) nothing has changed.” It is more a jeremiad than an analysis and is usually advanced in response to some outrage. As I have pointed out elsewhere,1 for the claim to have the desired rhetorical force, those making it must assume that things have changed because the charge is fundamentally a denunciation of objectionable conditions or incidents as atavistic and a call for others to regard them as such. Attempting to mobilize outrage about some action or expression through associating it with discredited and vilified views or practices is a common gambit in hortatory political rhetoric, more or less effective for a rally or leaflet. But this antiracist politics is ineffective and even destructive when it takes the place of scholarly interpretation or strategic political analysis.
New Orleans provides a useful illustration of the limitations of contemporary antiracism as a politics. Antiracist political critique failed abysmally after Katrina to mobilize significant opposition to elimination of low-income public housing or to the ongoing destruction of public schools. That politics, which posits an abstract “black community” against an equally abstract “racism,” could not provide persuasive responses to the blend of underclass ideology that stigmatizes public housing as an incubator of a degraded population.2 Nevertheless, race-reductionist argument continues to dominate the political imagination of those who would challenge structures of inequality. It has remained, without critical reflection or strategic reassessment, the default stance of putatively insurgent or oppositional black politics in the city and was most recently on display in a controversy over removal of monuments erected in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to celebrate the Confederacy and white supremacy.
In the spring of 2017, the City, at the mayor’s initiative and with support of six of the seven council members, removed from public display four odious monuments to the treasonous Confederate insurrection that had been a nasty affront to egalitarian values for more than a century.3 Mayor Mitch Landrieu announced his intention to remove them after South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley took down the Confederate battle flag from the statehouse grounds, where its presence had been the source of long-standing controversy, in the wake of Dylann Roof’s racially inspired murder of parishioners at a Charleston black church. Activists linked to Black Lives Matter and the Black Youth Project 100 (BYP100), a group organized through the Center for the Study of Race, Politics and Culture at the University of Chicago, created an ad hoc alliance, Take ’Em Down NOLA, to agitate for removal not only of the four monuments, but of “all the public symbols—monuments, school names, and street signs dedicated to white supremacists.”4
The city is certainly a better place for being rid of those monuments, and having removed them from public display could be a step toward finally defeating the Lost Cause/Heritage ideology that remains too useful a tool of the right for making class power invisible in both the past and the present. But, while the group’s efforts contributed appreciably to pressing the issue and mobilizing some public support for removal, Take ’Em Down NOLA’s campaign also obscured class power, ironically in the same way as did the fin de siècle ruling class that erected the monuments. For Take ’Em Down NOLA and other antiracist activists, the monuments’ significance is allegorical; they are icons representing an abstract, ultimately ontological white supremacy that drives and reproduces racial inequality in the present as in the past. The monuments, that is, are props in the broader race-reductionist discourse that also analogizes contemporary inequality to Jim Crow or slavery. Instructively, Take ’Em Down NOLA’s goal is not simply to remove every vestige of commemoration, no matter how obscure or trivial, of any historical figure associated with the Confederate insurrection or slavery.
Despite their hyperbolic contention that the monuments inflict daily injury on and “psychologically terrorize” black New Orleanians,5 Take ’Em Down NOLA’s agitation for removal is the instrument of a more evanescent project. Their goal, as poet and Harvard graduate student Clint Smith described it in a New Republic puff piece, is “an ongoing attempt to foster an honest reckoning with the past.” As to what that honest reckoning might look like or produce, neither he nor they have much concrete to say. “Entirely erasing tributes to the confederacy from New Orleans might never happen,” Smith allows, “but the work of Take ’Em Down NOLA forces us to consider what it might say about us if we did—and what it says about the fact that we have not yet done so.”6 That is, the group’s agitation is driven more by demanding that “racism” be recognized as the source of inequality than by pursuing specific policy goals.
This is a feature of contemporary antiracist discourse generally. Antiracist activism and scholarship proceed from the view that statistical disparities in the distribution by race of goods and bads in the society in which blacks appear worse-off categorically (e.g., less wealth, higher rates of unemployment, greater incidence of hypertensive and cardiovascular disease) amount to evidence that “race” remains fundamentally determinative of black Americans’ lives. As Merlin Chowkwanyun and I argue, however, disparity is an outcome, not an explanation, and deducing cause simplistically from outcome (e.g., treating racially disparate outcomes as ipso facto evidence of racially invidious causation) seems sufficient only if one has already stacked the interpretive deck in favor of a particular causal account.7 We also discuss a “garbage in, garbage out” effect in studies that rely on large-scale aggregate data analysis; gross categories like race may mask significant micro-level dynamics that could present more complex and nuanced understandings of causality. Put another way, if you go out looking for racial effects in data sets that are organized by race as gross categories, you will be likely to find them, but that will not necessarily lead to sound interpretations of the factors that actually produce the inequalities. As likely as not that purblind approach can lead to missing “the extent to which particular inequalities that appear statistically as ‘racial’ disparities are in fact embedded in multiple social relations.”8 This issue is not a concern for antiracist politics because its fundamental goal is propagation of the view that inequalities or injustices suffered by black Americans should be understood as resulting from generic white racism. Its objective, that is, is rhetorical and ideological, not political and programmatic.
Antiracist discourse posits white supremacy/racism as a totalizing phenomenon, a force impervious to changing institutional circumstances—a primordial foundation of being, just as the White League contended in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The thrust of the Take ’Em Down NOLA argument, for example, is that: (1) the monuments were erected to celebrate white supremacist power, which was the foundation of slavery, lynching and brutalization of black New Orleanians, disfranchisement, imposition of Jim Crow, and denial of blacks’ basic civil rights; (2) the fact that they remain on display in the present underscores the continuity of white supremacy’s power; and (3) that continuity indicates that, as in the past, contemporary racial inequalities most meaningfully result from white supremacy, which therefore must be the primary target of struggles for social and racial justice.
But adducing a causal dynamic that underlay a political conjuncture in the past to support a claim about causality in the present presumes that the same dynamics operated in the past and present. That is, the race-reductionist formulation advanced to validate the claim of white supremacy’s overarching power presumes what it needs to demonstrate. Sociologist Mara Loveman follows Rogers Brubaker, Pierre Bourdieu, and others in arguing that this interpretive problem and the confusions that generate it can be addressed by “abandoning ‘race’ as a category of analysis to gain analytical leverage to study ‘race’ as a category of practice.”9 She embraces historian Barbara J. Fields’s assessment that “attempts to explain ‘racial phenomena’ in terms of ‘race’ are no more than definitional statements,” and argues that “rejection of ‘race’ as an analytical concept facilitates analysis of the historical construction of ‘race’ as a practical category without reification, and thus provides a degree of analytical leverage that tends to be foreclosed when race is used analytically.”10
In the current political context that interpretive pathology is pernicious politically because the claim of continuity demands ignoring historical specificities of both past and present that are crucially important for making adequate sense of either. The point of analogizing current conditions to slavery or earlier regimes of openly white supremacist hierarchy is to subordinate consideration of the discrete, complex mechanisms through which contemporary inequalities are reproduced in quotidian life to the meta-historical contention that generic white supremacy, or racism, most significantly explains disadvantages and injustices that black Americans suffer today. But even in the nineteenth century, at the nadir of the defeat of Reconstruction and imposition of disfranchisement and the Jim Crow order, black politics was not adequately reducible to a unitary struggle against white supremacy; differences of perspective, agendas, and programs pertained among blacks and determined strategic directions, including pursuit of allies.11
In addressing another racially charged issue—how we should regard Rachel Dolezal’s embrace of a transracial identity in relation to Caitlyn Jenner’s embrace of a transgender one—historian Susan Stryker neatly describes the appeal and limitations of argument by analogy:
Analogy is a weak form of analysis, in which a better-known case is compared to one that is lesser known, and thereby offered as a model for understanding something that is not yet well understood… Analogy’s rhetorical strength is to be found precisely in its ability to condense complicated forms of similarity into singularly powerful linguistic gestures and acts of speech, while its analytical weakness lies precisely in the non-identity of the things being compared.12
Even if we were to accept “racism” as a label summarizing the various factors involved, noting those apparent similarities does not tell us how inequalities are reproduced today and has nothing to say practically about how to combat them. And it is important to interrogate why it is paramount within the antiracist framework that we understand the present through analogy to the past.
In the antiracist political project white supremacy/racism is—like “terrorism”—an amorphous, ideological abstraction whose specific content exists largely in the eyes of the beholder. Therefore, like antiterrorism, antiracism’s targets can be porous and entirely arbitrary; this means that, also like antiterrorism, the struggle can never be won. Clint Smith’s romantic assessment of Take ’Em Down NOLA’s contribution indicates as much and makes clear, as does everything that Ta-Nehisi Coates has ever written,13 that winning anything concrete is not the point. The “politics” that follows from this view centers on pursuit of recognition and representation on groupist terms—both as symbolic depiction in the public realm and as claims to articulate the interests, perspectives, or “voices” of a generic black constituency or some subset thereof, e.g., “youth” or “grassroots.” It is not interested in broadly egalitarian redistribution.
Notwithstanding its performative evocations of the 1960s Black Power populist “militancy,” this antiracist politics is neither leftist in itself nor particularly compatible with a left politics as conventionally understood. At this political juncture, it is, like bourgeois feminism and other groupist tendencies, an oppositional epicycle within hegemonic neoliberalism, one might say a component of neoliberalism’s critical self-consciousness; it is thus in fact fundamentally anti-leftist. Black political elites’ attacks on the Bernie Sanders 2016 presidential nomination campaign’s call for decommodified public higher education as frivolous, irresponsible, or even un-American underscores how deeply embedded this politics is within neoliberalism.14
During the campaign, antiracist activists and commentators routinely attacked Sanders for being inattentive to black concerns, which they insisted are separate from political economy and capitalist class dynamics and reduced to pro forma rehearsal of slogans like “black lives matter” and denunciation of an abstract “systemic racism.” After the 2016 election, antiracist hostility toward efforts to generate broadly working class-based, social-democratic alternatives to Democratic neoliberalism, if anything, intensified. Coates, for example, denounces as white supremacist any suggestion that working-class whites’ votes for Trump stem from anything other than commitment to white supremacy.15 Social scientists and other public opinion experts have provided steady grist for antiracist and other identitiarian ideologues’ incessant rehearsal of the trope of a hopelessly backward, racist, sexist, homophobic, and xenophobic white working class as the main danger to progress in society. In this insistence, they join Clintonoid neoliberal Democrats of all races, genders, and sexual orientations who reject downwardly redistributive politics for more openly class-based reasons. Thus, as Mark Dudzic points out in a superb essay originally written before the election:
Joan Walsh, among many others, opined that Sanders’ substantial support among white workers (who overwhelmingly supported Clinton in 2008) is because “she has been damaged by her association with the first black president.” And Paul Krugman, that eternal guardian of the left gate of the ruling class, pontificated that the Sanders campaign failed to understand the importance of “horizontal inequality” between groups.16
Dudzic’s assessment of liberals’ reaction to the social-democratic enthusiasm Sanders sparked applies equally to antiracist activists and commentators:
The Sanders campaign was so disorienting to both conservatives and liberals because it did not embrace these naturalized categories [racism and sexism] but, instead, revealed them as social relationships established by real human beings and, thus, open to change through the application of political and economic policies. After stumbling a bit in the early months around how to give voice to the outrages of police violence and mass incarceration, it laid out a working-class politics of hope that was both visionary and practical. In the process, it helped lay bare the actual mechanisms of capitalism that drive inequality. And it exposed the fault lines created by decades of neoliberalism that are impeding real change in the labor, racial justice and other social movements.17
Although its attraction to Black Power “militancy” suggests insurgent racial populism, the current race-reductionist politics centers on exposé and demands for recognition, not egalitarian redistribution. Its project is elimination of disparities within a regime of intensifying economic inequality, which antiracism takes as given. As Warren et al. put it:
Antiracists … remain attuned to a vision of justice defined by ensuring equal access to hierarchically distributed social goods such as family wealth (and redressing historical impediments to the accumulation of wealth rooted in discrimination). Indeed in making frequent recourse to the adjective “narrow” in chastising a politics that roots inequality in economic exploitation, antiracists and identitarians have positioned the idea of racial justice as a critique of, rather than an expected consequence of, socialism. It is largely for this reason that, as Walter Benn Michaels has noted … “the commitment to identity politics has been more an expression of … enthusiasm for the free market than a form of resistance to it.”18
Even when its proponents believe themselves to be radicals, this antiracist politics is a professional-managerial class politics. Its adherents are not concerned with trying to generate the large, broad political base needed to pursue a transformative agenda because they are committed fundamentally to pursuit of racial parity within neoliberalism, not social transformation. In fact, antiracist activists’ and pundits’ insistence during the 2016 election campaign that Bernie Sanders did not address black concerns made that point very clearly because nearly every item on the Sanders campaign’s policy agenda—from the Robin Hood tax on billionaires to free public higher education to the $15/hr minimum wage, a single-payer health care system, etc.—would disproportionately benefit black and Hispanic populations that are disproportionately working-class.
Most of all, the gains that black Americans have won have been the product of alliances condensed around broad egalitarian agendas. Historian Touré F. Reed notes:
Emancipation and even Reconstruction were produced by a convergence of interests among disparate constituencies—African Americans, abolitionists, business, small freeholders, and northern laborers—united under the banner of free labor. The civil rights movement was the product of a consensus created by the New Deal that presumed the appropriateness of government intervention in private affairs for the public good, the broad repudiation of scientific racism following World War II, and the political vulnerabilities Jim Crow created for the United States during the Cold War. To be sure, Reconstruction, the New Deal, the War on Poverty, and even the civil rights movement failed to redress all of the challenges confronting blacks. But the limitations of each of these movements reflected political constraints imposed on them, in large part, by capital.19
As A. Philip Randolph, Bayard Rustin, Martin Luther King, Jr., and two generations of labor-oriented black activists—including the entire spectrum of radical to conservative black civic elites and trade union leaders collected in historian Rayford Logan’s 1944 volume, What the Negro Wants—understood, first, the exploitation and oppression of black Americans was linked to more general dynamics of exploitation and oppression and, second, the only way to attain and especially to secure benefits for black Americans is to win them for everyone.20 That lesson has been lost for many antiracist activists and commentators enamored with contemporary race reductionism; instead, they channel the performative militancy associated with Black Power politics as the insurgent, racially authentic tendency in the late 1960s and 1970s.
Yet Black Power politics consolidated as a less potentially transformative, class-skewed alternative to the black-labor-left, social-democratic approach advocated by Rustin, Randolph, and others.21 Black Power politics was fundamentally a petition politics, albeit a loud and flamboyant one. For all their overheated rhetoric about self-determination, including even in some cases what now might be called cosplay fantasies of armed struggle, Black Powerites generally depended on ruling class largesse for realization of their programmatic objectives. That was their alternative to trying to form broad, popular coalitions and to navigate the compromises and constraints that sort of politics requires. As a practical politics, Black Power was fundamentally directed toward government institutions, private or philanthropic funding sources, and other agencies capable of conferring or ratifying claims to represent a generic “black community” (some referred to the style at the time as “militant begging”; I suppose today it could be considered an institutional species of aggressive panhandling). Contemporaneous critics like Harold Cruse and Robert L. Allen pointed out the Black Power program’s class character,22 and Rustin presciently suggested that its most likely outcome would be “creation of a new black establishment” (emphasis in original).23
Black Power, at least in the ethnic pluralist form in which it congealed as “black politics,” was at bottom a Bookerite politics of elite-brokerage, as is the essence of ethnic pluralism. The core Bookerite project, under the rubric of racial uplift or advancement, has always been—since Washington and the stratum of black racial advocates that emerged from the context of disfranchisement at the turn of the twentieth century—“substitution of black professionals, managers, and intellectuals for their white counterparts within those institutions charged with administering to the needs of black populations.” The political goal, that is, was establishment of “managerial authority of the nation’s Negro problem” within whatever larger political and economic order prevailed.24 Warren’s critique, which he elaborated further in What Was African American Literature (2012), sheds light on contemporary antiracists’ singular commitment to the reductionist view that race/racism is the foundation and source of all injustice and inequality affecting black Americans.25 It also thus helps to make sense of the affective power that explaining current inequalities through analogy to slavery or Jim Crow has in antiracist discourse.
Antiracist politics is a class politics; it is rooted in the social position and worldview, and material interests of the stratum of race relations engineers and administrators who operate in Democratic party politics and as government functionaries, the punditry and commentariat, education administration and the professoriate, corporate, social service and nonprofit sectors, and the multibillion-dollar diversity industry. That stratum comes together around a common sense commitment to the centrality of race—and other categories of ascriptive identity—as the appropriate discursive framework through which to articulate norms of justice and injustice and through which to formulate remedial responses. It has grown and become deeply embedded institutionally throughout society as an entailment of the victories of the 1960s. As society moves further away from the regime of subordination and exclusion on explicitly racial terms to which race-reductionist explanations were an immediately plausible response, race has become less potent as the dominant metaphor, or blanket shorthand, through which class hierarchy is lived. And as black and white elites increasingly go through the same schools, live in the same neighborhoods, operate as peers in integrated workplaces, and share and interact in the same social spaces and consumption practices and preferences, they increasingly share another common sense, not only about frameworks of public policy but about the proper order of things in general.
Those quotidian realities put pressure on the reductionist premise that racial subordination remains the dominant ideological or material framework generating and sustaining systemically reproduced inequalities and class power. This tension underlies a source of the appeal of ontological views of racism as an animate force that transcends time and context. Because it is an evanescent Evil that is disconnected from specific human purposes and patterns of social relations, racism, again like “terrorism,” can exist anywhere at any time under any manifest conditions and is a cause that needs no causes or explanation. That is why statistical demonstration of apparent racial disparities seems within antiracist discourse to be self-sufficient evidence of the persistence of racism’s paramount impact on black Americans, despite the fact that findings of disparity: (1) are not surprising considering how entrenched inequalities work; (2) do not tell us much, if anything, about the proximate sources of the disparities; and (3) do not point to remedial responses, although those retailing the findings often present them as though they do. As Chowkwanyun and I indicate, moreover, relentless commitment to finding disparities, and insistence that manifest inequalities be understood in those terms despite those interpretive failings, suggests the presence of other ideological factors:
[Disparitarian discourse’s] commitment to a fundamentally essentialist and ahistorical race-first view is betrayed in the constantly expanding panoply of neologisms—“institutional racism,” “systemic racism,” “structural racism,” “colourblind racism,” “post-racial racism,” etc.—intended to graft more complex social dynamics onto a simplistic and frequently psychologistic racism/antiracism political ontology. Indeed, these efforts bring to mind [Thomas] Kuhn’s account of attempts to accommodate mounting anomalies to salvage an interpretive paradigm in danger of crumbling under a crisis of authority. And in this circumstance as well the salvage effort is driven by powerful material and ideological imperatives.26
That ontological view of racism is what enabled Bell’s insistence that nothing has changed for black Americans since 1865 without having to confront the apparently disconfirming evidence of his own biography and the context of his declaration. It also underlies the preference for invoking historical analogies in lieu of argument. The point of those analogies is not to explain the mechanisms through which contemporary inequalities are reproduced. It is to preserve the interpretive framework that identifies racism as the definitive source of those inequalities.
Antiracism’s class character helps to understand why its adherents are so intensely committed to it even though it is so deeply flawed analytically and has generated so little popular traction politically. One layer of its appeal derives simply from habit, buttressed with a simulacrum of familiarity engendered by the naïve conceptions of black political history that prompted Willie Legette’s deathless observation that “the only thing that hasn’t changed about black politics since 1965 is how we think about it.”27 People think about black politics as a unitary, transhistorical “freedom movement” or “liberation struggle” because that is how scholarly and popular discussion of black Americans’ political activity has been framed almost universally since the academic study of black politics and political thought took shape during the 1950s and 1960s, and especially after the institutionalization of black studies as a field in the academic mainstream through the 1970s to the 1990s. The guild interest in carving out and protecting the boundaries of a field of study and interpretive authority over its subject matter converges with the broader class interest in maintaining managerial and interpretive authority in the political economy of race relations.28
Crucial to making sense of the current political moment and how to navigate the real perils that face us after November 2016 is recognition that, no matter how it may have been aligned in the past, antiracist politics now is fundamentally antagonistic to a left politics of broadly egalitarian social transformation. Key elements of the black professional-managerial strata have been embedded in and are agents and minions of what we now call neoliberalism—as public functionaries, contractors, and aspirants—since its emergence in the 1970s and 1980s. In the 1980s and 1990s, underclass ideology rationalized claims to a special tutelary role for the black professional-managerial class in relation to a rank-and-file black population that that politics rendered invisible as postal workers, teachers, truck drivers, carpenters, clerks, warehouse workers, electricians or line workers, nurses, cable technicians, etc. or members of a constantly expanding industrial reserve army and represented as an undifferentiated mass to be ventriloquized and “uplifted.” Underclass ideology came with a remedy of inculcating “personal responsibility,” which conveniently permits public officials to deflect concerns with retreat from social service provision and other social wage policies in an era increasingly defined by regressive transfer. Neoliberal privatization also has produced greatly expanded commercial and career opportunities for black (and Latino, female, etc.) entrepreneurs under the rubric of community “empowerment,” “role modeling,” or “social entrepreneurialism” in a vast third-sector economy driven by a nonprofit sector likely as not committed to privatizing public goods in the name of localist authenticity and doing well by doing good, as well as the steadily growing diversity industry. These developments legitimate an ideal of social justice shriveled to little more than enhancement of opportunity for individual upward mobility—within the strictures of neoliberal accumulation by dispossession.
Black professional-managerial class embeddedness has become increasingly solidified with the Clinton/Obama/Emanuel wing of the Democratic party’s aggressive commitment to a left-neoliberalism centered on advancement of Wall Street and Silicon Valley economic interests and strong support for social justice defined in identity group terms. But that is necessarily a notion of social justice and equality that is disconnected from political economy and the capitalist class dynamics that generate the most profound inequalities in society. And militant opposition to conventional left norms of justice that center on economic equality unites the Clintonite neoliberal Democrats and race-reductionist antiracists. In this regard, the most telling moments of the 2016 Democratic presidential nomination campaign included when the random, self-selected Black Lives Matter activists attacked Sanders for supposedly not declaring his opposition to racism in a way that suited their tastes, and when former civil rights movement icon Rep. John Lewis (D-GA) and other prominent black functionaries denounced Sanders’s calls for greatly expanding social wage policy and shifting national priorities toward addressing the needs of working people as irresponsible. Perhaps most telling of all, though, was when, and most of all how, Hillary Clinton blithely and disingenuously blew off Sanders’s concerns with economic injustice. On the eve of the Nevada primary, she declared to a rally of her supporters, “Not everything is about an economic theory, right? If we broke up the big banks tomorrow—and I will, if they deserve it, if they pose a systemic risk, I will—would that end racism? Would that end sexism? Would that end discrimination against the LGBT community? Would that make people feel more welcoming to immigrants overnight? Would that solve our problem with voting rights, and Republicans who are trying to strip them away from people of color, the elderly, the young?”29
Since the election, that alliance against class politics has become even more aggressive in red-baiting Sanders and the left via a new sort of race-baiting—attacking socialism, and advocates of socialism or social-democratic politics, as racist or white supremacist. It has closed ranks around condemnation of working-class whites who voted for Trump as loathsome and irredeemable racists with whom political solidarity is indefensible and in the process reducing “working class” to a white racial category and synonym for backwardness and bigotry. Antiracists and neoliberal Democrats unite in high moral dudgeon to denounce suggestions that more than racism operated to generate the Trump vote and that some working people, particularly those whom Les Leopold describes as Obama/Sanders/Trump voters—and not necessarily only white ones—felt betrayed by both parties.30 The practical upshot of that moral stance is that there can be no political alternative outside neoliberalism. That is why it is important, as we look toward the daunting prospect of building a movement capable of changing the terms of debate in American politics to center the interests and concerns of working people—of all races, genders, sexual orientations, and whatever immigration status—who are the vast majority of the country, that we recognize that race-reductionist politics is the left wing of neoliberalism and nothing more. It is openly antagonistic to the idea of a solidaristic left. It is more important than ever to acknowledge that reality and act accordingly.


These example apps are for functionality testing purposes.
This app demonstrates a way to capture a snapshot of the LocalVideoTrack using the HTMLCanvasElement.
This app demonstrates the Dominant Speaker API for Group or Small Group Rooms. In order to run this example, please go to the Programmable Video Settings in the Twilio Console and select the Room Type as Group or Group-Small.


BOT
Now
Hi, welcome to Demo ChatBot!! Go ahead and send me a message. [Note that iam still under work😊]
🖤
Now
Enjoy the chat.


This penguin is trained on reinforcement learning in Unity using MLAgents
Press Untrained Model to play the game yourself
Acknowledgements: this game was based off ImmersiveLimit's tutorial


Enum
Namespace: Vox
Declared in: Vox
Indicates whether a source is static (has one SoundBuffer attached) or streaming (has a queue).false. If it's undetermined, the target status will be changed automatically on modification.
Values:


Working in the Kitchen
The challenge of taking control of our education
Saturday April 11th, 2015
So often it is expedient, comfortable, expected of us to consume a product as is. We are allowed to have opinions, rate it, etc. but are rarely if ever given an option to change what we don't like or shift the direction of the outcome. The Devbootcamp experience can be like this. Given enough effort and focus, a person/ a cohort can "get through" the program and learn a lot and have a lot of skills. However, they would be leaving so much potential fallow. There is a hope, a desire on the part of the creators and mentors at Devbootcamp to have every cohort meet the same baseline, and then blow past them in unique and interesting ways. Learning as part of a community means creating as a community. It means living out the values that brought us few, different as we are, all to the same place at the same time. My sincerest hope is that everyone who is there day one, in San Francisco, is there %100, fully present of why they are there, embracing the potential for radical growth, unexpected change, and invested in their success. Above that, I hope that I am just as commited and present to their success and fulfillment as I am in mine.


A simple demo to show how Beedle manages your state and how the state changes are cascaded. View source.
Live Message: Hello, world


Domino Development - Back to Basics - Part 2: Forms and Documents
Continuing from Part 1 you now know that everything in Notes is stored in a Note. To further understand how Notes "ticks" some light needs to be shed on the relation between forms and documents.
In the simplest way to look at it, a form acts like the schema to be used to populate a document with values. The fields one fills into a form get stored as items into a document. This explanation is good enough for starters, but warrants a closer look to fully appreciate Notes' flexibility. In a RDBMS a record is "unbreakable" linked to the containing table by the database schema definition. Each record has each column defined in the schema. Notes ticks differently. The link between a form and a document is established by a Notes item with the reserved name "Form". When you open a form, fill it in and save it, automatically a item with the name of the form gets created. When that document gets opened, it will pull that form for display.
That link is not static: it can be overwritten in many ways:
The same applies when you remove a field from a document: it simply isn't shown anymore, but the data is still in the document. If you want to get rid of the data too, you need to create an agent for that (which is pretty simple:
Another stumbling block: the form defines how an item is displayed and entered into a form via the field definition, suggesting data type and if it is one or more values. However items are always multi-value data and the data type of an item doesn't need to match the type of the field (if auto-conversion fails you will get an error). There is a detailed explanation about forms, documents and items you want to read.
Forms might include subforms, which from a document perspective doesn't matter. An item created (through a form) doesn't carry any information how it was created. If you need a detailed track record what item has been created/updated when and by whom, you want to have a look at the Inversion of Logging pattern.
Forms also contain a series of events that fire when things happen in the form. In the context of XPages that is no longer relevant, the event model is superseded by the XPages event model. However one area might be relevant: The @Formula used for fields:
* Keywords: check boxes, radio buttons, drop down list etc. Depending on type are inherently single or multi-value or both
Fields in forms can be computed, carrying one @Formula or Input fields, carrying 0-3 @Formula. A field defined as computed for display doesn't get stored back into the document. A field computed when composed gets computed once when the document doesn't contain the field yet. Usually that applies to new document, but the formula also would run when a field is added to a form and a document is opened with that form (and if the document isn't saved, the result of that formula doesn't get stored back). A computed field gets refreshed every time a document is recomputed, that implies the document is in edit mode (unless there is no item with that name, then it runs in view mode too)!
The translation formula replaces the user input with its result. A popular prank is to pick a formula that computes something independent from the input. For orderly developers there is
In XPages a developer can define for each document data source that the document should be computed on open and/or save. The difference to classic form use: in XPages on open all formulas run: default, translation and validation while in classic on open only default runs. Also the form computation runs after the XPages validations, so if an XPages validation fails, the form computation never runs which then might yield additional errors from the validation formula.
Next up: Not all Documents are created equally
In the simplest way to look at it, a form acts like the schema to be used to populate a document with values. The fields one fills into a form get stored as items into a document. This explanation is good enough for starters, but warrants a closer look to fully appreciate Notes' flexibility. In a RDBMS a record is "unbreakable" linked to the containing table by the database schema definition. Each record has each column defined in the schema. Notes ticks differently. The link between a form and a document is established by a Notes item with the reserved name "Form". When you open a form, fill it in and save it, automatically a item with the name of the form gets created. When that document gets opened, it will pull that form for display.
That link is not static: it can be overwritten in many ways:
- In the Notes client using View - Switch Form ...
- Though a field with the name form containing a formula
- Code in an event
- Code in an agent
- A form formula in a view
- A Smart button
The same applies when you remove a field from a document: it simply isn't shown anymore, but the data is still in the document. If you want to get rid of the data too, you need to create an agent for that (which is pretty simple:
FIELD obsoleteField := @DeleteField
(You get the irony here: despite deleting an item the formula is @Delete field. Renaming a field is the same as deleting and recreating it with a new name. It is an action in the form, with no impact on the document.
Another stumbling block: the form defines how an item is displayed and entered into a form via the field definition, suggesting data type and if it is one or more values. However items are always multi-value data and the data type of an item doesn't need to match the type of the field (if auto-conversion fails you will get an error). There is a detailed explanation about forms, documents and items you want to read.
Forms might include subforms, which from a document perspective doesn't matter. An item created (through a form) doesn't carry any information how it was created. If you need a detailed track record what item has been created/updated when and by whom, you want to have a look at the Inversion of Logging pattern.
Forms also contain a series of events that fire when things happen in the form. In the context of XPages that is no longer relevant, the event model is superseded by the XPages event model. However one area might be relevant: The @Formula used for fields:
* Keywords: check boxes, radio buttons, drop down list etc. Depending on type are inherently single or multi-value or both
Fields in forms can be computed, carrying one @Formula or Input fields, carrying 0-3 @Formula. A field defined as computed for display doesn't get stored back into the document. A field computed when composed gets computed once when the document doesn't contain the field yet. Usually that applies to new document, but the formula also would run when a field is added to a form and a document is opened with that form (and if the document isn't saved, the result of that formula doesn't get stored back). A computed field gets refreshed every time a document is recomputed, that implies the document is in edit mode (unless there is no item with that name, then it runs in view mode too)!
The translation formula replaces the user input with its result. A popular prank is to pick a formula that computes something independent from the input. For orderly developers there is
@ThisValue
to use the user input. The Validation formula needs to return @success or @Failure("message"). The failure message gets propagated to the XPages error system and shows in the form error control, but not in a field error control.
In XPages a developer can define for each document data source that the document should be computed on open and/or save. The difference to classic form use: in XPages on open all formulas run: default, translation and validation while in classic on open only default runs. Also the form computation runs after the XPages validations, so if an XPages validation fails, the form computation never runs which then might yield additional errors from the validation formula.
Next up: Not all Documents are created equally
Posted by Stephan H Wissel on 23 December 2013 | Comments (3) | categories: IBM Notes XPages


{% extends 'base.html'%} {% import 'macros.html' as macro%} {% import "bootstrap/wtf.html" as wtf %} {% block content %}
Blog
tip
Speak confidently about your product,
but be able to admit when you need more information,
and getit to the people you're pitching
quickly after the meeting.


{% if detail_error %} {% if detail_error.code == 'PermissionDenied' %}
You do not have access to view this data.
{% if fields.globus_group %} You can join the ramses Group for access here. {% endif %}The file has likely been moved or deleted. Please contact your Search administrator to update this search record.
{{detail_error.message}}


Class JesonMor
- All Implemented Interfaces:
java.lang.Cloneable
public class JesonMor extends Game
Game
, implementing the game logic of JesonMor game.
Student needs to implement methods in this class to make the game work.
Hint: make good use of methods predefined in Game
to get various information to facilitate your work.
Several sample tests are provided to test your implementation of each method in the test directory. Please make make sure all tests pass before submitting the assignment.
-
Field Summary
Fields inherited from class castle.comp3021.assignment.protocol.Game
board, configuration, currentPlayer, numMoves
-
Constructor Summary
Constructors Constructor Description JesonMor(Configuration configuration)
-
Method Summary
Modifier and Type Method Description @NotNull Move[]
getAvailableMoves(Player player)
Get all available moves of one player.Player
getWinner(Player lastPlayer, Piece lastPiece, Move lastMove)
Get the winner of the game.void
movePiece(@NotNull Move move)
Make a move.Player
start()
Start the game Players will take turns according to the order inConfiguration.getPlayers()
to make a move until a player wins.void
updateScore(Player player, Piece piece, Move move)
Update the score of a player according to thePiece
and corresponding move made by him just now.Methods inherited from class castle.comp3021.assignment.protocol.Game
clone, getCentralPlace, getConfiguration, getCurrentPlayer, getNumMoves, getPiece, getPiece, getPlayers, refreshOutput
-
Constructor Details
-
Method Details
-
start
Start the game Players will take turns according to the order inConfiguration.getPlayers()
to make a move until a player wins.In the implementation, student should implement the loop letting two players take turns to move pieces. The order of the players should be consistent to the order in
Configuration.getPlayers()
.Player.nextMove(Game, Move[])
should be used to retrieve the player's choice of his next move. After each move,Game.refreshOutput()
should be called to refresh the gameboard printed in the console.When a winner appears, set the local variable
winner
so that this method can return the winner. -
getWinner
Get the winner of the game. If there is no winner yet, return null; This method will be called every time after a player makes a move and afterupdateScore(Player, Piece, Move)
is called, in order to check whether anyPlayer
wins. If this method returns a player (the winner), then the game will exit with the winner. If this method returns null, next player will be asked to make a move. -
updateScore
Update the score of a player according to thePiece
and corresponding move made by him just now. This method will be called every time after a player makes a move, in order to update the corresponding score of this player.The score of a player is the cumulative score of each move he makes. The score of each move is calculated with the Manhattan distance between the source and destination
Place
.Student can use
Player.getScore()
to get the current score of a player before updating.Player.setScore(int)
can be used to update the score of a player.Attention: Student should make NO assumption that the
Move
is valid.- Specified by:
updateScore
in classGame
- Parameters:
player
- the player who just makes a movepiece
- the piece that is just movedmove
- the move that is just made
-
movePiece
Make a move. This method performs moving aPiece
from source to destinationPlace
accordingMove
object. Note that after the move, there will be noPiece
in sourcePlace
.Positions of all
Piece
s on the gameboard are stored inGame.board
field as a 2-dimension array ofPiece
objects. The x and y coordinate of aPlace
on the gameboard are used as index inGame.board
. E.g.board[place.x()][place.y()]
. If onePlace
does not have a piece on it, it will be null inboard[place.x()][place.y()]
. Student may modify elements inGame.board
to implement moving aPiece
. TheMove
object can be considered valid on present gameboard. -
getAvailableMoves
Get all available moves of one player. This method is called when it is thePlayer
's turn to make a move. It will iterate allPiece
s belonging to thePlayer
on board and obtain available moves of each of thePiece
s through methodPiece.getAvailableMoves(Game, Place)
of eachPiece
.Attention: Student should make sure all
Move
s returned are valid.- Specified by:
getAvailableMoves
in classGame
- Parameters:
player
- the player whose available moves to get- Returns:
- an array of available moves
-


Two lives, two hearts joined together in friendship united forever in love. It is with joy that we, Nitish and Sahithi, invite you to join our wedding on December 17th.
The first time I met this simple and happy guy at a get together. It didn't take too long after being friends, to realize this was much more than just 'being friends'.
When he did propose to me all I could say was "Yes ofcourse Yes!!" Ever since then there's just been love,happiness and completeness. If I have to write about him, I could go on for pages.  I could have never asked for more!
-Sahithi
Dang, she is beautiful ! These were my first impressions on her. Like never before I started believing in love at first sight. Ever since she is in my life, there was no looking back. She has always been a source of motivation for me.
She is the type of girl I always wanted. My Love Bug, cant wait to marry her!
-Nitish
My dad, Hanuma Sai heads Austria Micro Systems in Hyderabad. My mom, Sowbhagya Geetha works in HAL as a DGM. They have both been the coolest and ever supporting in this beautiful journey. Their love and simplicity have set up an ideal example for us.
My dad, Shyam Sunder, is a doctor and my mom Nirupama, is a homemaker. My sister, Nisha is a doctor and her husband Sai is going to be a PhD graduate in Materials Engineering. My family has always been my biggest strength and support. Their loving nature and kindness has shaped me to become a better person.
13th DEC
7:00 PM
Sangeet at Taj Deccan
17th DEC
5:00 PM - 6:30 PM
Baraat at Sidh Convention
7:00 PM - 9:30 PM
Reception at Sidh Convention
11:29 PM
Wedding Muhurtham
Taj Deccan
Road Number 1, Banjara Hills,
Hyderabad - 34
Sidh Convention
Near Cini Planet, Jaibery Colony,
Kompally, Hyderabad - 14
Bride’s Contact
9949991871,<PHONE_NUMBER>,
7799336240
Groom's Contact
9849038265,<PHONE_NUMBER>,
9849807280


@* * Copyright 2023 HM Revenue & Customs * * Licensed under the Apache License, Version 2.0 (the "License"); * you may not use this file except in compliance with the License. * You may obtain a copy of the License at * * http://www.apache.org/licenses/LICENSE-2.0 * * Unless required by applicable law or agreed to in writing, software * distributed under the License is distributed on an "AS IS" BASIS, * WITHOUT WARRANTIES OR CONDITIONS OF ANY KIND, either express or implied. * See the License for the specific language governing permissions and * limitations under the License. *@ @import config.AppConfig @import controllers.v2.routes @import models.request.AuthenticatedRequest @import models.viewmodels.NoTabSelected @import views.html.includes.main @this( main: main ) @( user: String )(implicit request: AuthenticatedRequest[_], messages: Messages, appConfig: AppConfig) @main( pageTitle = messages("users.user.delete.done", user), customPrimaryNavTab = NoTabSelected ) {
}


CUNY CELEBRATES WOMEN IN COMPUTING (CUNY CWiC) 2021 Program
Download the full CUNY CWiC 2021 Conference Program| TENTATIVE AGENDA | |
|---|---|
| 9:00-10:00 AM | Panel Presentation Women in Tech: Students’ Perspectives |
| 10:00-10:15 AM | Welcome Sandie Han, Math Department Chair, New York City College of Technology Tamera Schneider, Associate Vice Chancellor & Provost for Research, CUNY Ted Brown, Executive Director, CUNY Institute for Software Design and Development |
| 10:15-11:05 AM | Keynote Presentation Sarah Knepper, Intel |
| 11:05-12:00 PM | Panel Presentation Careers in Computing Technology: Professional Perspectives |
| 12:05-12:55 PM | UNDERSTANDING IMPLICIT BIAS |
| 1:00-2:00 PM | STUDENT/FACULTY PRESENTATIONS CONCURRENT SESSIONS Lightning Talks and Poster Presentations Research Presentations |
| 2:00-2:50 PM | Keynote Presentation Brian Chen, Lehigh University |
| 3:00-3:50 PM | PANEL PRESENTATION Student & Early Career Perspectives |
| 4:00-5:30 PM | STUDENT/FACULTY PRESENTATIONS CONCURRENT SESSIONS Lightning Talks and Poster Presentations Research Presentations |
Poster Slides Presentation
Morning Keynote Presenter
We are pleased to have Sarah Knepper, Software Engineer Manager, Intel, as the morning keynote presenter for our CUNYCWiC 2021 conference.
Sarah Knepper is a manager on the Intel® oneAPI Math Kernel Library (oneMKL) team. oneMKL is the fastest and most-used math library for Intel®-based systems, enabling developers to create performant science, engineering, and financial applications. Previously she was a software engineer for oneMKL, developing and optimizing dense linear algebra functionality. Sarah has also worked on a number of other libraries at Intel, including the Intel® oneAPI Deep Neural Network Library, the Intel® Autonomous Driving Library, and the UPM sensor library.
Sarah earned a bachelor's degree in Computer Science (and Theatre) from the College of Saint Benedict and a PhD in Computer Science from Emory University. She participated in two internships at Sandia National Laboratories, where she experienced the value of cross-disciplinary teams to bring diverse viewpoints. Sarah serves on the SIAM (Society for Industrial and Applied Mathematics) Industry Committee and is a SIAM Visiting Lecturer. She is passionate about diversity and inclusion, constantly seeking opportunities to create a more inclusive culture.
Sarah lives near Portland, Oregon with her fiancé and their cat, where she enjoys the local farmers markets and natural beauty of the Pacific Northwest. With all of the extra time at home due to the pandemic, she has begun learning to play the violin.
Afternoon Keynote Presenter
We are pleased to have Dr. Brian Chen from Lehigh University, as the afternoon keynote presenter for our CUNYCWiC 2021 conference.
Dr. Brian Y. Chen is a structural bioinformatician who develops techniques in computational geometry, structural biology, and machine learning to create software that can predict and explain the mechanisms of binding specificity in proteins. He is especially motivated by the potential to achieve scientific insights through computation, statistical inference, and collaboration with experimentalists. A recent result in Dr. Chen's lab, in collaboration with plant pathologists at Rutgers university, was the use of his software to discover new amino acids that are crucial for the toxicity mechanism in ricin. At Lehigh, he has taught quite a few courses, ranging from introductory courses in programming to courses in genomics, structural bioinformatics, and computer graphics.
Dr. Chen earned his Ph.D. from Rice University's Department of Computer Science for his work on protein function annotation. His advisor was Dr. Lydia Kavraki. While at Rice, he had the opportunity to learn quite a bit about structural bioinformatics, robotics, graphics, and distributed systems. He received a B.A. in Mathematics and a B.A. in Computer Science from Rutgers University, in 2000.
For more details, visit Dr. Chen's website and the Informatics Lab at Lehigh University.


-
A valid placeholder is
\${str:toUpper(var:first)}
- Arguments are not limited to static valus only; they can be text variables, as well as other functions.
-
Quotation marks around string arguments are optional; you can use both single and double quotes, but you can also omit them. One case where you would have to use quotes is when you want to preserve white-space; for instance:
\${str:join(' ', Hello, World!)}
-
Using a function that doesn't exist yields the string
undefined
. -
To escape a text expression, prefix it with a backslash:
\\${str:trim(var:first)}
The text function delegate is invoked with an instance of SageContext
, containing all the necessary context information about the current project, request etc; and a variable-length array of arguments that were used in the function call.
To enable Sage to discover the designated text function delegate, it needs to be decorated by the TextFunction
attribute. The TextFunctionAttribute
constructor takes a single arguments, the name of the function that the delegate should be registered for.
NOTE: The designated method must be static in order to be used.
The following table lists all text functions provided by Sage out of the box.
url:link(linkId, [parameters], [hash]) |
Returns a fully resolved link, as configured in the linking configuration, using the specified query string parameters and hash if supplied. |
|---|---|
url:self([parameters], [hash]) |
Returns the current url, using the specified query string parameters and hash if supplied. |


About us
Founded by a group of Vietnamese American and American professionals in the field of data management, data science, Computer Science and Robotics, CBD Robotics is able to provide the best products and services to help agencies, companies and industries address the most sensitive and complex challenges of managing large data, apply artificial intelligence to data to predict events, especially in Marketing and Medical Diagnostics. The combination of sophisticated algorithms and high quality software design makes our software products and services bringing valuable experience to our customers, and help to gain the trust of millions of users, as well as creating the predicting data.


---
layout: slide
title: "Peter of Spain, the SCTA, and an open access corpus of text-DATA"
description:
date: 2019-09-19
theme: white
transition: slide
tags: presentation
place: "Berlin, Germany"
---
### Outline
1. Open Access and the SCTA
2. Advantages of Open Machine Accessible Data
3. Where we stand with the Peter of Spain Corpus
What counts as Access?
Access to a specific presentation of a text?
Or
Access to the machine actionable data used to produce a presentation?
### The Print vs. Digital False Binary
All presentations (both print and online) begin as digital data.
But most publishers restrict access to the underlying data
in order to force users to accept a particular presentation.
We need OPEN ACCESS to the underlying data.
### Is Free and on the Web Enough?
### Two Fundamental Disadvantages
### Redundancy (=Unsustainability)
### What the SCTA is
The SCTA exists to be a new type of social community dedicated to the publication of scholastic texts divorced from presentation,
freeing that data to be used in a plurality of presentations for a plurality of use cases.
### What the SCTA does
1. Maintains a set of domain specific standards for the publication of textual data as data anywhere on the web.
2. Helps publish this decentralized data by aggregating and organizing it with detailed metadata.
3. Makes this metadata available through various APIs that client applications can make use of to display this data in any way desired.
Advantages of Open Connected Corpus of Data
1. (As noted above) Reduced Redundancy / Increased Sustainability
2. Increased Text Transparency
3. Increased Capacity for Discovery
"Traditionally the Critical Edition (in the form of a critical apparatus) has aimed for Transparency..."

Es besteht grundsätzlich ein Vollständigkeitsanspruch.
Patrick Sahle, "Zwischen Mediengebundenheit und Transmedialisierung: Anmerkungen zum Verhältnis von Edition und Medien"
editio 24, 2010, pp. 23-36 (DOI 10.1515/edit.2010.004), p. 24-25
### Accessing Every Layer of the Text
![rolladex]({{ site.assets_url }}PeterOfSpainBerlin-2019-09-20/rolodex-panoramic.jpg)
### Discoverability: Basic Search
### Discoverability: Connectivity to sources and influence
"The works attributed to Petrus Hispanus (13th Century)
cover several domains of the Aristotelian philosophical
and the Galenic-Avicennian medical corpora,
including logic, psychology, zoology, prescription books,
medical commentaries, alchemy, and mysticism,
but also ranging to sermons and papal bulls.
Despite these connections and the understanding
we have acquired of them over the past four decades of research,
these domains were never studied under a global perspective of theories and practices in context..."
"...Since little is known to this date about these interrelations,
perspectives and approaches in philosophy, philology,
and history will be combined.
This interdisciplinary approach is intended to place Peter of Spain
in his contexts of sources and influences,
and debates with contemporary mid-13th century authors"
### Client Applications and Networked Connections
### Some Peter of Spain Examples
### Conclusion
#### Where we stand with Peter of Spain
### Peter of Spain Table of Contents
So Far:
1. Expositio in librorum De divinis nominibus beati Dionysii (42,437)
2. Liber naturalis de rebus principalibus (2,170)
3. Expositio in epistolas Beati Dionysi (1,527)
4. Sententia cum quaestionibus libri De anima I-II (169,645)
5. Scientia libri de anima (102,950)
6. Expositio in librorum De ecclesiastica hierarchia beati Dionysii (16,142)
7. Expositio in Librum De Mystica Theologia (3,884)
8. Tractatus / Summulae logicales (52,037)
9. Syncategoreumata (58,722)
10. Expositio in librorum De angelica hierarchia beati Dionysii (17,460)
11. De morte et vita (12,547)
Total Word Count: 483,405
### Future Desired Use Cases
* Show/compare a critical text (and all same language manifestations)
* Show/compare a critical text and “relied upon”/ “source” manifestations
* Show/compare all stemma ancestor/descendant manifestations
* Show/compare manifestations across stemma level (all manifestations at level 2, 3, 4 etc)
* Show/compare default version of all translations (e.g. show only one exemplar of each language)
* Show/Compare all different versions of a given translation language (e.g., en1, en2, en3, etc.)
* Show/Compare all instances of translation version (e.g. en1, en1a, en1b, etc.)
* Connected related commentaries (with above comparisons for each commentary)
* Allow ability to search text all commentaries on Petrus Hispanus, tractus 1, or further, tractatus 1, part 1, etc.
### Using Peter of Spain to Document our Use Cases
"If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go together.""
* As new textual phenomena arise we need to:
* Document these uses cases for the larger community
* Rather than creating short term work arounds that cannot be sustained over the long term.
* This requires patience. Waiting for the community means we can't solve an issue immediately.
* But once solved it means we can sustain the solution for the long term.
### SCTA and Peter of Spain Progress Hurdles:
* Training
* Tooling
* Funding
### Training
* We need to supporting training in 21st century text preparation
* More training in XML for editors committed to long term participation
### Tooling:
* The right tool makes seemingly impossible tasks, posssible.
* We need to consider the value of paying for Oxygen over using a free editor
* Oxygen comes: Validation checking, Schema checking, Automatic Templates
* We need to consider the pay off of learning state of the art workflow tools.
* At present we use Dropbox
* Underneath we use a much more sophisticated collaboraiton and version tool called Git.
* But, the more powerful and sophisticated the tool, the more demanding the tool
### Funding
* As a community we need to be thinking about supporting long-term SCTA resource costs.
* Some ideas:
* SCTA membership dues (?)
* Open Access Subvention (?)
* We should consider asking groups to write in requests for membership or subvention fees into all future grants
* The idea: everyone contributes something small to the collective pot and SCTA resources get maintained for the long term
* The world gets free open access
* Member groups get prileged technology support, voting privileges about SCTA community decisions.
### Funding
* We need funding to support larger SCTA meeting where documented issues can be resolved.
* A grant was submitted to the NEH in June 2019 to support two future summer meetings.
* The results are not yet known.
* But we need to pursue more funding.
### Questions / Discussion


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This is the lyrics of Rahu Gayatri Mantra in English and Devanagari script. You will also find the meaning of Rahu Gayatri Mantra in English. The Rahu Gayatri Mantra is read to please Lord Rahu.
Om Shiro Rupaay Vidhmhe Amrateshaay Dhimahi,
Tanno Rahu: Prachodyat. ॥
Om Naakadhwajaaya Vidmahae Padma Hastaaya Dhimahi,
Tanno Raahu: Prachodayaat. ॥
Om Neelvarnaay Vidhmahe Sainhikaay Dhimahi,
Tanno Rahu Prachodyat. ॥
Om Ardhkaayam Mahaviryam Chandra Aditya Vmardanam,
Simhika Garbha Sambhootam Tam Rahum Pranamamyaham. ॥
Om Bhraam Bhrim Bhraum Sah Rahve Namah. ॥
Om Aim Hrim Rahve Namah. ॥
ॐ शिरो-रूपाय विदमहे अमृतेशाय धीमहि ।
तन्नो राहुः प्रचोदयात् ॥
ॐ नाकाध्वजाय विद्महे पद्माहस्ताय धीमहि ।
तन्नो राहू: प्रचोदयात ॥
ॐ नीलवर्णाय विद्महे सैंहिकेयाय धीमहि ।
तन्नो राहुः प्रचोदयात् ॥
ॐ अर्धकायं महावीर्यं चन्द्रादित्यविमर्दनम् ।
सिंहिकागर्भसम्भूतं तं राहुं प्रणमाम्यहम् ॥
ॐ भ्रां भ्रीं भ्रौं सः राहवे नमः ॥
ऊँ ऎं ह्रीं राहवे नम: ॥
Om Shiro Rupaay Vidhmhe Amrateshaay Dhimahi,
Tanno Rahu: Prachodyat. ॥
Om, I meditate to Lord Rahu, who is shaped like a headband and who is
an eternal one, i.e. one who has consumed amrit. Let Lord Rahu kindle
my intellect and illuminate it.
Om Naakadhwajaaya Vidmahae Padma Hastaaya Dhimahi,
Tanno Raahu: Prachodayaat. ॥
Om, I meditate to Lord Rahu, who has a flag bearing snake's image and
holding a lotus in his hands. Let Lord Rahu kindle my intellect and
illuminate it.
Om Neelvarnaay Vidhmahe Sainhikaay Dhimahi,
Tanno Rahu Prachodyat. ॥
Om, I meditate to Lord Rahu, who is blue colored and who is an eternal
one. Let Lord Rahu kindle my intellect and illuminate it.
Om Ardhkaayam Mahaviryam Chandra Aditya Vmardanam,
Simhika Garbha Sambhootam Tam Rahum Pranamamyaham. ॥
Om, I bow down to Lord Rahu who has only half body, but possesses the
power to subdue even the sun and the moon. He was born from the womb
of Simhika.
Om Bhraam Bhrim Bhraum Sah Rahve Namah. ॥
Om Aim Hrim Rahve Namah. ॥
Om, I bow to Lord Rahu with all my might.
Om, I bow to Lord Rahu.
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The Quick Start tab provides you with an easy way to quickly test a web application.
Enter the URL of your target application and press the 'Attack' button.
ZAP will spider the target and then attack it with the active scanner.
For a more in depth test you should explore your application using your browser or automated regression tests while proxying through ZAP.
| Command Line | description of command line arguments |


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{% extends 'horizon/common/_modal_form.html' %} {% load i18n %} {% load url from future %} {% block modal-body-right %}
{% trans 'Environment Name' %}: {% blocktrans %}Create a name for the environment{% endblocktrans %}
{% blocktrans %} An environment is a collection of instances that are meant to operate under similar conditions.{% endblocktrans %}
{% endblock %}


Clean Code - Serenity and economy
15 Feb 2020This series of articles is mainly aimed at software developers, but the form remains readable for business analysts and management actors, they will understand the importance of quality code at the company level as well as their role as quality agents or influencers.
Digital accelerator
Software code is a fundamental element in the functioning of a modern company. Business processes have become definitively dependent on software components that automate all or part of manual activities. Software is an important part of the company’s success and must meet expectations by being an accelerator and not a digital retarder. Finally, the software works with software code produced by one or more software development teams.
The truth
In an agile environment, the documentation of a feature is usually non-exhaustive and reduced to the essentials. Indeed, collaborative analysis of requirements is facilitated by focusing on interactions between stakeholders: domain experts and software technicians. As the pace of change does not allow for regular maintenance of this even light documentation, the software code naturally becomes the holder of the truth about the behavior of the system concerned, eventually constituting the most reliable source of information.
In motion
The reality of the digital market implies an acceleration in the pace of demand and the need to be able to continuously deliver value or increments of value-added digital products. Software code must, therefore, have intrinsic qualities to adapt and evolve. Clarity and organization of software code are important levers to reduce change inertia or the magnitude of change during maintenance.
Advantage or burden
For a software development team, for a digital company, software code is usually experienced as an advantage or a burden, an asset or debt, a sustainable base of opportunities or a cost center. Quality software code is a recognized ingredient to combine serenity and economy.
Social
Software code is the result of a joint analysis, design and implementation work between several responsible business and technical actors.
It is also an important emotional source; a well-designed code creates a positive, stimulating and reassuring feeling when reading or reviewing it because the author’s intentions are quickly understood and future extension work can be considered calmly; a feeling of excitement when the effects of change are minimal, which naturally induces an additional motivation to sustain the acquired quality.
When writing software code, the author’s empathy towards receivers and future writers is a sign of kindness and professionalism.
Sustainable software development
Optimizing writing time, developing more calmly and ensuring constant productivity are the effects of the desired evolution in the way software code is designed. Do no longer develop simply to deliver but opt for sustainable development. Favor collaborative practices of analysis, design, and writing. These are accessible and adapted solutions to address this objective.
Well-crafted code and interactivity
Clean Code refers to quality software code and editorial practice that are entirely under the control of the software developers and can be configured as desired. It is a question of collectively defining some principles of writing and software design, of thinking before coding, of sharing the reflection and of asking for feedback. The code does not belong to anyone but to the company. We must now think “community”.
Clean Code can be read and enhanced by a developer other than its original author – Robert C. Martin
Well-crafted code can be defined by the following intrinsic qualities:
- Readability
- Maintainability
- Self-documentation
- Testability


minimum mobile screen = 360*800 (bootstrap: xs) minimum desktop screen = 1366*768 (bootstrap: xl) ==> cutting at "lg" (992px)